Archive for the ‘Logging madeireiros’ Category

Brazil’s Temer threatens constitutional indigenous land rights

Thursday, August 3rd, 2017

by Sue Branford and Maurício Torres on 1 August 2017

– President Temer, influenced by the rural lobby in congress whose
votes he needs to not be tried by the Supreme Court on corruption charges, has okayed new criteria meant to delegitimize indigenous land boundary claims, legal experts say.

– One rule rejects any indigenous demarcation of land where Indians were not physically present on a traditional territory in 1988, which would disqualify many legitimate claims.

– Another allows government to undertake “strategic” public works, such as dams and roads, without indigenous consent, violating the International Labor Organization’s 169 Convention, signed by Brazil.

– The administration also introduced a bill likely to be passed by congress that reclassifies 349,000 hectares (1,347 square miles) of Jamanxim National Forest in the Amazon, gutting protections, allowing economic activities — logging, ranching, farming and mining — and legitimizing land grabs there.

Hundreds of thousands of Indians live on indigenous lands in Brazil, but much of that land has never been officially demarcated due to decades of government delay. Now, President Temer’s political maneuvering threatens to shut down the demarcation process in favor of land thieves, ranchers, soy growers, mining concerns, and construction companies with much to profit from Amazon dam and road government contracts.

A storm of protest greeted the 19 July announcement that Brazilian President Michel Temer has approved a recommendation made by the Attorney General’s office (AGU), that federal government bodies should adopt new criteria for setting the boundaries of indigenous land.

Respected lawyer Dalmo de Abreu Dallari, who headed the University of São Paulo’s legal faculty for many years, said that the recommendation was a “legal farce,” with the objective of “extorting from the indigenous communities their right to the land they have traditionally occupied.”

But the bancada ruralista rural caucus in Congress is triumphant. Federal deputy Luiz Carlos Heinze, a leading member of the caucus, celebrated the AGU recommendation, saying in a video circulated on social media that it will lead to a reassessment of more than 700 cases, resulting ultimately in the dismissal of 90 percent of ongoing indigenous territory land claims.

The Civil Office of the Presidency has already returned to the justice ministry 19 indigenous territories, covering 792,370 hectares (3,059 square miles), which were close to completion, saying that the recognition of these reserves is to be reviewed. With the process for recognizing many of the other new territories at an early stage, it is impossible to calculate precisely how much land is involved.

However, if created, the new reserves would undoubtedly add millions of hectares to the 177 million hectares (683,400 square miles), 13.8 percent of the Brazilian territory, that is in indigenous hands. By far the largest share — 98 percent of all indigenous territory — is located in the Amazon, where the reserves prove an effective bulwark against deforestation. The long process of recognizing indigenous ownership is not complete in all these territories, so some of these lands could become vulnerable to reclassification.

The “Marco temporal” debate

The most controversial aspect of the AGU’s recommendation is the introduction of the so-called “marco temporal” an arbitrary cut-off date for land claims.

Under the new measure, Indian groups will only have the legal right to claim traditionally held territory that they were physically occupying as of 5 October 1988, the day the most recent federal Constitution was approved — a date, historians point out, by which many Indian groups had already been forced from their lands.

The concept of “marco temporal” was first adopted by the Supreme Federal Court (STF), when it settled a long, contentious dispute over boundaries for the Raposa/Serra do Sol indigenous reserve in Roraima in 2009.

The Dilma Rousseff government, with its strong anti-indigenous bent, was keen to make this cut-off point vinculante, a norm to be universally followed for establishing other indigenous territories in the future, and the AGU issued Portaria 303/2012, an order to that effect. However, STF minister Ricardo Lewandowski, in a 2013 ruling, made it clear that the 19 conditions for such settlements — including the “marco temporal” — could not legally be applied to the demarcation of all indigenous lands. This decision, combined with strong indigenous pressure, led to Portaria 303’s eventual revocation.

The rural elite, however, never accepted the high court’s finding. It wanted the criteria, especially that referring to the “marco temporal,” along with another that forbids the enlargement of indigenous territory already marked out, to become vinculante, the norm and extended to all future cases.

Importantly, the AGU’s July recommendation also makes it possible to undertake “strategic” public works, such as hydroelectric dams and roads, without Indian consent. This seems to be a direct breach of the International Labor Organization’s 169 Convention, signed by Brazil, in which nations commit to full consultation with indigenous people whenever a public work will affect their land or way of life.

Outcry against demarcation rule changes
Protests against the AGU’s recommendation, particularly the 1988 cut-off date, have been vociferous, despite the huge amount of civil strife already unfolding in Brazil — with landless peasants occupying elite estates, including one owned by the family of agriculture minister Blairo Maggi, and with President Temer’s legitimacy threatened by serious corruption charges.

Journalist Rubens Valente, who has just published a book about Brazilian atrocities committed against Indians during the military dictatorship, called Temer’s July decision “a 50-year setback. It’s as if the International Labor Organization’s 169 Convention didn’t exist.”

Well-known forestry consultant Tasso Azevedo, former director of Brazil’s National Forest program under the Lula government, fumed: “Imagine a Polish law that said that the claimant — for example, a Jewish family persecuted during the Second World War — could only get their property back if they were living in the house when it was expropriated? It would be seen as absurd.” He went on: “The AGU recommendation shreds indigenous rights. You want a road? No need to ask. Just go ahead and do it.”

Others point to the tragic predicament of Guarani Indian groups in the state of Mato Grosso do Sul. These indigenous people were forcibly evicted from their territories after the state government sold their land to farmers. For years they’ve struggled to regain their territories and many still squat at roadsides, barred by fences from moving back onto their land. But because they were evicted before 1988, the AGU recommendation would negate all claims.

Crizantho Alves Fialho Neto, from FUNAI, Brazil’s federal indigenous agency, says that the ruling ignores the legal standing of indigenous territory: “Indigenous possession of land is different from a landowner’s ownership of land. It is not possession as defined in civil law. It is possession as defined in the constitution.” In theory at least, this means that indigenous rights are “inviolable, exclusive and perpetual.”

Lawyer José Afonso da Silva, a specialist in constitutional law, also questions the validity of the 1988 cut-off date: “the beginning of the legal recognition of indigenous rights was in June 1611 with the Royal Charter (Carta Régia) promulgated by the Portuguese king Philip lll … All other constitutions continued along these lines. The 1988 Constitution just carried on this tradition.” Based on these legal precedents, he says, there is no reason to give that date a special status — unless, critics say, the government’s plan is to deprive indigenous people of their demarcation rights in order to legitimize land thefts that occurred before that date.

Many other legal experts have protested. Érika Yamada, an independent United Nations indigenous expert, says that the recommendation “exceeds all limits of administrative law, because the president is signing a recommendation that is an attempt to legislate, to alter the 1988 Constitution.” She argues that the new measure is unconstitutional and may well lead to challenges in the ILO, the Organization of American States and the United Nations.

Indigenous organizations have already called for a legal counteroffensive. The Indigenous Council of Roraima (CIR) will be challenging in the courts the legality of actions that replicate the “unconstitutional” conditions established in the Raposa/Serra do Sol case.

These legal challenges may well succeed, but that will take time. Meanwhile, serious damage could be done to indigenous groups. Temer has already said that he expects FUNAI and other government bodies to start implementing the AGU guidance.

The risk of escalating violence
There is another concern: Valente believes that the new criteria could catalyse unrest in the countryside, which is already at record levels: “The Indians want to regain their old lands and they are increasingly well organized.… The AGU recommendation may well provoke violence, as it is telling these groups that the doors are closing for them to get what they want through the justice system or from the executive.” The recommendation could also embolden land grabbers eager to exploit indigenous demarcation disputes, experts say.

Azevedo has no doubt why the president approved the AGU recommendations: “Temer endorsed the ruling for the worst possible motive: to buy political support in Congress so that he won’t be tried for corruption by the Federal Supreme Court.”


Indeed, the rural caucus has made no secret of the role it played in Temer’s rise, and that it could play in his fall. In the already mentioned video, Luiz Carlos Heinze revealed that the AGU recommendation was agreed to in an April meeting between then Justice Minister Osmar Serraglio (a leading member of the rural caucus), Presidential Head of Staff Eliseu Padilha, and Federal Attorney General Grace Maria Fernandes Mendonça. The three made a pact, he claims, that represents “a great advance for all Brazilian [agribusiness] producers who have been feeling frustrated and anxious because of the pressure they have been receiving from FUNAI” to vacate lands they’ve claimed for years.

Experts see the AGU recommendation as just one bargaining chip being used by Temer, an experienced Congressional operator, to make sure he gains sufficient votes in the Lower House to prevent a two-thirds majority from voting that he should be tried by the Supreme Court for the corruption accusation made against him by the Attorney General. That crucial vote is scheduled for this Wednesday. The latest opinion polls show that 81 percent of Brazilians want Temer tried for corruption.

Temer’s environmental concessions
Environmental protection also appears to be an expendable pawn in Temer’s congressional game.

In recent weeks, the president allowed his environmental minister, José Sarney Filho, to introduce a bill to reclassify a large portion of Jamanxim National Forest in the Amazon allowing economic activities within it — including logging, ranching, farming and mining — a dismemberment for which the rural elite has long lobbied, and that would legitimize land grabs underway there for years.

Munduruku (Photo © Rebecca Sommer)

The Munduruku have battled for years with the Brazilian government to get their lands formally demarcated, as have many other indigenous groups. Temer’s actions are likely to make that fight more contentious, with an escalation of violence, as the ruralistas are emboldened to oppose indigenous territory claims. Photo by Rebecca Sommer

Previously, Temer planned to achieve this goal via a provisional measure (MP 756), which he himself proposed, but which in the end, he was forced to veto in the face of intense national and international pressure.

Groups at home and abroad are now campaigning hard to stop the newest Jamanxim dismemberment bill, which would reclassify an even larger part of the forest than the original provisional measure­­ –– 349,000 hectares (1,347 square miles). But this time the counterattack may not be as effective, because bills of this kind only require congressional approval and are not subject to a presidential veto.

The runaway power of the rural caucus in congress and within the Temer administration, and the ruralistas growing confidence that they will not be held accountable, is now having serious consequences for the environment, Indians, quilombolas (those living in communities set up by runaway slaves), peasant farmers and other rural inhabitants.

According to Global Witness, more rural and environmental activists have been killed in Brazil than in any other country in the world over the past five years. Moreover, nine out of ten murders occurred in Legal Amazonia, with most in Rondônia and eastern Pará state. There were 47 total homicides in the Amazon in 2016, with 33 in the first five months of this year, putting 2017 on track to be the bloodiest year in recent Amazon history.

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Banner image by Agência Brasil and used under Creative Commons Attribution 3.0 Brazil License.

Earth Peoples co-founder Arthur Manuel passed away, 66-years-old.

Friday, January 13th, 2017

Dear Earth Peoples.
Arthur Manuel was always working hard.
Tiokasin Ghosthorse brought me to collaborate with Rebecca Sommer, one of my best friends… and this is where I met Arthur. I was very glad to from the start. I was in line with him in the cafeteria at the UN during the indigenous peoples caucus for the Earth Peoples partners event. I got some coffee and was going to sit down at the table he was at. Arthur said with warning…you might not want to sit there. I said oh is this seat taken? He said no its just that you might not want to be associated with me. A lot of people do not like me.
I looked around over my shoulders and said.. jokingly I said….want me to beat them up for you? He laughed a lot. That was the comical and genuine relationship that I had with him from the start. He is someone I am honored to say has changed my life and i can call him my favorite person and a best friend. I am so thrilled that I had the opportunity to know Arthur.
Arthur was my Earth Peoples brother, a child of our mother Earth and I loved him very much. I always looked up to him for saving the world. I remember saying to Arthur that I hope that I can somehow make a difference in the world like he does. I would like to make my life meaningful. He said Elaine, You don’t want to do what i do. He said… I am not complaining but Elaine, you have the creative arts and you can work in that medium and be effective. As you do…. and it seems more fun. That meant a lot to me. I appreciate that with all of my heart. I hope that i can send that message through my art so that I can make him proud and maybe send some laughs too.
He lives forever in our hearts. He lived. I only hope that I can too live a life that makes the ancestors proud  as was well.

Book Arhur ManualHis last writing to me was when he signed his book
Unsettling Canada
for me with the words “May the world be good to you my friend.
-Arthur”

He will be greatly missed!!!

Elaine+Arthur

Panel finds corporations, United Nations and governments guilty of violating nature’s rights

Saturday, December 13th, 2014

By Indigenous Environmental Network.

Lima, Peru (Dec. 7, 2014)– The International Tribunal for the Rights of Nature judged twelve international and domestic cases; examining the violation of the rights of peoples and nature committed by corporations, The United Nations, and governmental entities. The judgments reference the legal framework of the Rights of Nature and the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth. The cases were reviewed on Dec. 5th and 6th in Lima’s Gran Hotel Bolivar.

According to Alberto Acosta, president of the Tribunal and former president of the Constitutional Assembly of Ecuador, the rights of nature must have a universal validity. “This ethical tribunal arises when States fail to fulfill their obligation to preserve the lives of living beings,” said Acosta. “As long as nature is seen as property in law, there can be no justice for communities, the climate or nature.”

Acosta led the 13 judges through 12 cases

The Tribunal was dedicated to Shuar leader, José Tendentza, who was found murdered just days before the Tribunal. Tendentza of Southern Ecuador was scheduled to present the Condor Mine case. Acosta led the 13 judges through 12 cases that were determined by the judges to demonstrate egregious violations to rights of nature and human rights. Cases included:

-False Solutions related to Climate Change and REDD+;
-Peruvian cases: Conga Mine, Bagua Massacre – Defenders of Earth, 4 River Basins of Peru;
-Ecuadorian cases: Condor Mine, Chevron/Texaco, and Yasuni ITT
Brazil: Belo Monte Dam
-USA and Bolivia: Hydraulic fracturing “fracking”
-Oceans: BP Gulf of Mexico Oil Spill, coal mine and other threats to Australia’s Great Barrier Reef

Of the cases, the oil exploitation of the Yasuni territory of Ecuador was condemned in addition to the relentless persecution Yasunidos are facing for their dissent. Since 2013, the Ecuadorian government green-lighted oil drilling in Yasuni National Park, one of the most biodiverse areas in the world and home to two indigenous nations in voluntary isolation.

In protest, a group of young Yasunidos joined together to claim the rights of nature, which are guaranteed in the Constitution of Ecuador. They collected more than 800,000 signatures to call for a referendum on the oil exploitation, but their request was rejected by electoral institutions. The Yasunidos are now suing the Ecuadorian government, led by President Rafael Correa, and are waiting for their complaint to be reviewed by the tribunal of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH).

Additionally, the Tribunal for the Rights of Nature found Chevron-Texaco in Ecuador to be guilty of using inappropriate technology and causing irreversible damage to the environment. They determined that the corporation must fully compensate those affected by the environmental impact.

The Peruvian cases of Conga and Bagua were accepted as threats of violation to the rights of nature. An international special commission was appointed to visit the impacted Amazonian basins to collect more information on the contamination.

The case of the mining project in the Cordillera del Condor was found by the Tribunal to be in direct violation of the rights of nature. They determined that mining must be suspended and those affected must be compensated. They urge the state to investigate and punish those responsible for the death of José Tendentza, the prominent social activist that was in opposition to the mining.

A widow of one of the four murdered activists shares her testimony

The Peruvian cases of Conga and Bagua were accepted as threats of violation to the rights of nature. An international special commission was appointed to visit the impacted Amazonian basins to collect more information on the contamination.

Shannon Biggs, director of Movement Rights, shared testimony on the impacts of fracking , a process of extracting natural gas from shale rock layers deep within the earth. “You cannot do safe fracking,” said Biggs. “This technique should have never been invented. It is one of the most destructive activities against the environment ever seen.”

According to Biggs, 800,000 active oil and gas wells are being fracked in the United States, producing roughly 300,000 natural gas barrels per day. Severe water pollution and earthquakes have been linked with fracking. “We die from fracking. The population is suffering from cancer; my sister has died,” said Casey Camp-Horinek (Ponca) of Oklahoma in her testimony. “The water is contaminated; we cannot fish. We are in danger of extinction.”

Plans to develop large-scale hydraulic fracking in Bolivia were reported by Martin Vilela of Platform Climate Reaction. In recent years the country has increased the production and export of natural gas. 82.4% of its production is exported, generating more than six billion dollars a year. Bolivia has 8.23 trillion cubic feet of gas, and YPFB plans to invest over 40 million dollars between 2013 and 2015. Vilela explained that in 2013 this corporation signed an agreement for fracking in the Chaco area, a region with water scarcity to extract 48 trillion cubic feet of shale gas. Estimates determine that this would consume between 112 and 335 billion liters of water.

Nnimmo Bassey, a Nigerian architect, environmental activist presented on the contamination and temperature rise affecting Nigeria. According to Bassey, oil fields and pipelines have caused deep environmental degradation, deforestation, and countless oil spills. Life expectancy in these impacted areas is 44 years.

Bassey warned that climate change will have catastrophic consequences. “For every degree the temperature rises globally, in Africa it will rise an additional 50%.” In 2012 floods in Nigeria led to the relocation of 6 million inhabitants. Bassey speculates that in 2030 Africa violent conflicts will increase by 54% due to the lack of access to natural resources.

At the hearing on “false climate solutions,” geoengineering techniques that seek to manipulate climate without changing the conditions that cause climate change were reviewed.

REDD+ was also put on trial. President of the Huni Kui people of Acre, Brazil, Ninawa Kaxinawá (Hunikui) testified that “REDD is a lie. We do not accept putting nature on market because it is our soul and spirit; it is priceless, it is our voice.”

According to Ruth Nyambura, of the Biodiversity Network Africa, says that in Kenya, evictions are occurring as a result of REDD. “Four indigenous people were arrested,” said Nyambura. “A woman was hit by the forest service because she was outside of her land.”

The Tribunal is calling for a special hearing in Paris in 2015 to coincide with the upcoming UN COP 21 summit.

Carbon Trade Watch Newsletter 2014/1

Saturday, December 13th, 2014

While governmental leaders in Lima meet to trade away the climate, we would like to share some publications and multimedia work published in 2014 by CTW. Some key highlights include: Support for resistance in Brazil against pre-salt offshore oil drilling, research into natural gas and other energy conflicts in Europe, and uncovering further financialisation of nature plans such as biodiversity offsetting, and the new Natural Capital Finance Facility.

Publications:

The Natural Capital Finance Facility: A window into the green economy
This new publication aims to break down the complexities of emerging “nature” financing by exploring a new pilot facility put forward by the European Commission and the European Investment Bank, called the Natural Capital Finance Facility. The authors discover the lack of transparency and power relations behind the NCFF and outline in clear language how natural capital financing functions, where the money comes from, how profits are made and how public funds are leveraged. In addition, the publication explores how funding mechanisms emerge before policy has been decided and links this to REDD+ and the carbon markets. This paper outlines the dangers to this approach and explores what is lost when financial mechanisms are given priority over grant-based projects.
To order

A Tree for a Fish: The (il)logic behind selling biodiversity
Putting a price on ecological systems has been around for several decades, although it was especially heightened during the UN climate negotiations with the introduction of the carbon market, a system which places a monetary value on the carbon-cycle capacity of nature for trade in financial markets. The carbon market quickly became “the only game in town” that policy-makers and multilateral agencies would discuss and implement regarding climate change policy. Following this logic, the 2010 UN Convention on Biological Diversity (CBD) called for “innovative financial mechanisms’” to deal with biodiversity loss, making biodiversity offsets the standard buzzword within conservation debates. At the same time, people have been resisting projects that claim to compensate for biodiversity destruction and continue to demonstrate how this concept fails to address the drivers of environmental and social damage.
To order
En español

Global Atlas of environmental conflicts launched in Brussels

Friday, March 21st, 2014
The Environmental Justice Organisations, Liabilities and Trade (EJOLT) project launches today its Global Atlas of Environmental Justice, a visually attractive and interactive online mapping platform detailing around 1000 environmental conflicts (and growing). It allows users to search and filter across 100 fields and to browse by commodity, company, country and type of conflict. With one click you can find a global snapshot of nuclear, waste or water conflicts, or the places where communities have an issue with a particular mining or chemical company. Click on any point to find the actors and a conflict description with the outcome and sources. Maps you create using the search and filter can be shared on your webpage or facebook. Featured maps will focus on issues ranging from fracking to conflicts over mega-infrastructure projects to maps on violent targeting of activists (and more).

The Atlas is a product of the EU-funded EJOLT project. Over 100 people from 23 universities and environmental justice organisations in 18 countries plus dozens of independent collaborators from all around the world have joined forces to create this huge and valuable resource. The project is coordinated by Professor Joan Martinez-Alier and his team of ecological economists from the Autonomous University of Barcelona (ICTA-UAB).

“The Atlas illustrates how ecological conflicts are increasing around the world, driven by material demands fed primarily by the rich and middle class subsections of the global population,” says Martinez-Alier. “The most impacted are poor, marginalized and indigenous communities. They usually do not have the political power to ensure access to environmental justice and health.” Over 2000 different corporations and financial institutions are involved. This includes many corporate and state actors from developed countries, but with growing participation from the emerging economies.

While the map highlights disturbing trends, such as continuing corporate impunity for environmental crimes and the fact that 80% of the cases entail a loss of livelihood, it is also inspiring. Amidst the stories of environmental devastation, political repression and persecution of activists, many cases of environmental justice victories can be found. Court cases were won, projects were cancelled and sometimes, the commons were reclaimed. 17% of the cases in the map are considered environmental justice victories.

The Atlas will make it easier to find information, connect with other groups working on related issues and increase the visibility of environmental conflicts. It can also be used for teaching and advocacy work. For the moment, the map is similar to ancient world maps, with good coverage of some areas and blanks spots. The goal now is to reach out to many new civil society organisations and researchers with specific areas of expertise and invite them to contribute to expanding the base of knowledge.

A crucial feature of the project and the Atlas is that grassroots movements for environmental justice are the key for moving towards more just, equitable and less damaging forms of consumption and production. According to Atlas coordinator Leah Temper “Only once communities stand up and say we will no longer be polluted, will governments and companies change their behaviour.” Leah Temper will launch the Atlas at the 19 March Mapping Environmental Justice event in Brussels, which is co-organised by the European Environmental Bureau and the United Nations Environment Programme’s Liaison Office to the EU Institutions.

Hyperlinks:

EARTH PEOPLES Solidaritätskundgebung in Berlin zur Aktionswoche der indigenen Völker Brasiliens

Tuesday, October 1st, 2013

Solidaritätskundgebung zur Aktionswoche der indigenen Völker Brasiliens

Ohne Land kein Leben

Berlin 30. September 2013. Heute veranstalten AktivistInnen von Earth Peoples, FIAN, Rettet den Regenwald, FDCL, Gegenströmung und engagierte BrasilianerInnen vor der brasilianischen Botschaft in Berlin eine Solidaritätskundgebung zur Aktionswoche der indigenen Völker Brasiliens. Die Assoziation der Indigenen Völker Brasiliens (APIB) ruft anlässlich des 25-jährigen Bestehens der brasilianischen Verfassung zur Verteidigung der in der Verfassung festgeschriebenen Landrechte für indigene Völker und traditionelle Gemeinschaften auf.

Photo © Rebecca Sommer

Photo © Rebecca Sommer

Die genannten Organisationen in Berlin tragen die Forderungen der Indigenen Brasiliens mit Großpuppen, Fotos und Transparenten vor die brasilianische Botschaft in Berlin..

Die brasilianische Verfassung von 1988 legte einen Zeitraum von 5 Jahren fest, um die Demarkierung und den Schutz indigener Gebiete sicherzustellen. Diese Frist ist vor 20 Jahren abgelaufen. Viele indigene Völker leiden aber bis heute darunter, dass ihnen ihre Landrechte verwehrt werden, so z.B. die Guarani-Kaiowá in Mato Grosso do Sul, die ein marginalisiertes Leben in Reservaten oder in Lagern am Rande der Bundesstraßen führen müssen, oder die vom umstrittenen Belo Monte-Staudamm betroffenen Gruppen.

Die aktuelle brasilianische Regierung unter Dilma Rousseff verschleppt den Demarkierungs­prozess; zudem sind zahlreiche Maßnahmen in der parlamentarischen Diskussion, die die Durchsetzung der Rechte auf traditionelles Land erheblich erschweren würden, etwa der geplante Verfassungszusatz PEC 215. Nach diesem Vorschlag würde die Entscheidung über die Einrichtung eines indigenen Gebietes von der Präsidentin auf das Parlament übergehen. Dieser Vorschlag stellt einen gravierenden Rückschritt im Kampf um traditionelle Landrechte dar, da die großen Agrarproduzenten im Parlament stark vertreten sind, es dort aber keine Vertreter der Indigenen gibt, die ihre Rechte und Interessen direkt vertreten könnten.

Besonders stark ausgeprägt sind die Konflikte um indigenes Land im Bundesstaat Mato Grosso do Sul, wo neben Rinderhaltung in großem Stil Sojaanbau für die Futtermittelindustrie und Zuckerrohranbau für die Produktion von Agrartreibstoffen betrieben wird.

„Das geplante Gesetz PL 1.610 sieht die Möglichkeit des Bergbaus auf indigenem Gebiet auch ohne Zustimmung der Indigenen vor. Der Run auf Ressourcen bedroht durch die PL 1.610 152 indigene Territorien, einige von diesen indigenen Ländereien gar zu 96 Prozent. Zudem plant Brasiliens Regierung in den kommenden zehn Jahren mehr als 40 weitere Großstaudämme allein in Amazonien. Unter dem Deckmantel vermeintlich »grüner« Energie geraten die indigenen Territorien so weiter unter Druck.


APIB CONVOCA MOBILIZAÇÃO NACIONAL EM DEFESA DA CONSTITUIÇÃO FEDERAL DOS DIREITOS INDÍGENAS E DA MÃE NATUREZA

Friday, September 20th, 2013

A Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB), composta pela Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira (COIAB), Articulação dos Povos e Organizações Indígenas do Nordeste, Minas Gerais e Espírito Santo (APOINME), Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Sul (Arpinsul), Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Sudeste (ARPINSUDESTE), Conselho dos Povos Indígenas de Mato Grosso do Sul e pela Grande Assembleia do Povo Guarani (ATY GUASU), que, por sua vez, reúnem na sua base centenas de associações e comunidades indígenas, considerando:

Que os direitos constitucionais dos povos indígenas, dos quilombolas e de outras populações tradicionais, assim como os seus territórios, encontram-se sob forte ataque por parte de interesses econômicos poderosos, que defendem o seu direito à propriedade mas não respeitam os nossos direitos coletivos à nossa terra sagrada, e ainda querem tomar para si as terras públicas e os seus recursos naturais;

Que há uma ofensiva legislativa sendo promovida pela bancada ruralista contra os direitos originários dos nossos povos, os direitos de outras populações tradicionais e os direitos de todos os brasileiros ao meio ambiente saudável, por meio de dezenas de projetos de lei e emendas à Constituição – em especial a PEC 215/00, PEC 237/13, PEC 038/99, PL 1610/96 e PLP 227/12 – que afrontam, inclusive, acordos internacionais assinados pelo Brasil, como a Convenção 169 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), e a Declaração da Organização das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas;

Que o próprio governo federal tem mantido uma conduta omissa, em relação aos direitos dos povos, e conivente com os interesses dos ruralistas e do latifúndio, nossos inimigos históricos, que durante o ano passado aprovaram um novo Código Florestal adequado aos próprios interesses e este ano pretendem aniquilar direitos indígenas ao território. Uma conduta que se materializa em medidas como a Portaria Interministerial 419/2011, a Portaria 303/2012 da Advocacia-Geral da União, e o Decreto 7957/2013, e que se traduz, dentre outras, nas paralisações: da demarcação das terras indígenas, da criação de unidades de conservação, da titulação de quilombos e da implementação da reforma agrária.

A APIB convoca todos os povos e organizações indígenas do país assim como os demais movimentos sociais do campo e da cidade, para uma Mobilização Nacional em Defesa da Constituição Federal, nos seus 25 anos de existência, e pela Implementação dos Direitos Territoriais dos Povos Indígenas, dos Quilombolas, de outras comunidades tradicionais, dos camponeses e da Mãe Natureza, entre os dias 30 de setembro e 05 de outubro de 2013.

OBJETIVO:

Fortalecer a articulação e mobilização dos povos indígenas do Brasil, com o apoio e adesão de outros movimentos e organizações sociais, visando a defesa dos direitos indígenas assegurados pela Constituição Federal, principalmente os direitos sagrados à terra, territórios e bens naturais, por um país realmente justo e democrático.

PROGRAMAÇÃO E DIRECIONAMENTO DA MOBILIZAÇÃO:

Domingo, 29 de setembro:
• Chegada das delegações das regiões e realização de atividades culturais.

Segunda-feira, 30 de outubro:
• Reunião da Coordenação da Mobilização Nacional, dos Dirigentes da APIB e dos Representantes das entidades de apoio.
• Plenária de preparação da Mobilização Nacional, com apresentação dos delegados e da Programação da Semana (Objetivos, Temas e Atividades)
• Análise e debate sobre a situação dos direitos indígenas nos distintos poderes do Estado Brasileiro: a supressão dos direitos constitucionais, principalmente o direito territorial. Contexto político nacional: modelo desenvolvimento em curso, reprimarização da economia, agronegócio, extrativismo industrial, grandes empreendimentos, flexibilização da legislação ambiental e indigenista, artimanhas jurídicas, administrativas, políticas e legislativas protagonizadas pelo Executivo e o Legislativo contra os direitos indígenas, entraves judiciais à efetivação desses direitos e atropelamento da legislação nacional e internacional (Convenção 169/OIT, Declaração da ONU sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas, Outros) pelo Estado Brasileiro.

• Regimento Interno do Acampamento, Comissões: Infraestrutura, Logística e Outras Informações.

Terça-feira, 01 de outubro:
• Ato sobre os Direitos Indígenas e articulações no Congresso Nacional.
• Reunião com a Frente Parlamentar de Apoio aos povos indígenas e Frente Parlamentar de Direitos Humanos.
• Reunião com representantes da Bancada Ruralista.
• Audiência com presidentes do Senado Federal e da Câmara dos Deputados.

Quarta-feira, 02 de outubro:
• Continuação das Atividades no Congresso Nacional:
– Audiência Pública sobre os 25 anos da Constituição Federal e os direitos indígenas.
– Instalação da subcomissão de assuntos indígenas da Comissão de Legislação Participativa (CLP).

Quinta-feira, 03 de outubro:
• Articulações, Audiências e Reuniões em distintas instâncias do Poder Executivo (Presidência da República, Ministérios, Autarquias e Outras).

Sexta-feira, 04 de outubro:
• Visitas e audiências no Supremo Tribunal Federal e Conselho Nacional de Justiça.

Sábado, 05 de outubro
• Encerramento das atividades e retorno das delegações para as suas regiões.

ORIENTAÇOES GERAIS:

Considerando que é de responsabilidade de todos os povos, comunidades, organizações e lideranças indígenas se mobilizarem em defesa de seus direitos, a APIB recomenda que as distintas delegações articulem apoio junto a seus parceiros e aliados para se deslocarem até Brasília. A APIB disponibilizará durante os dias da mobilização as condições de infraestrutura e alimentação.

Ao chegar à capital federal, no dia 29 ou 30 de setembro de manhã, todos deverão dirigir-se ao seguinte endereço:

Centro de Formação Vicente Cañas
Rua São Bernardo s/n
Chácara Marajoara A
Jardim Ingá – Luziana
Na altura do Posto BR Ipê
Km 9 – BR 04
Telefone: (61) 36151427

Orientamos ainda para que as lideranças indígenas e participantes da mobilização nacional que não esqueçam de trazer consigo todos os seus pertences e acessórios pessoais como: escovas de dentes, creme dental, roupas de cama (lençol, cobertor, colcha de cama), toalha, colchonete, rede, barracas, sacos de dormir, sabonete, sandálias e outros pertences que cada um achar necessário trazer.

Brasília – DF, 19 de setembro de 2013.

Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil – APIB

Open Letter from the Parakanã people (Indigenous Peoples protest at Belo Monte dam construction site – Indigenous land invasion, BRAZIL)

Wednesday, September 18th, 2013

Earth Peoples received the scanned original letter from Brazilian NGO FAOR, which was forwarded to us by German based NGO ASW

(Non-official translation by Earth Peoples)
To read original in Portuguese click here

Since the 12th of September 2013, about 100 indigenous people, from indigenous nations Parakanã and Juruna are occupying the Belo Monte Hydroelectric Dam at the Pimental site. The occupiers demand implementation of the Norte Energia indigenous peoples provisions, (legal conditions that the dam’s consortium Norte Energia must abide to in regards to Indigenous Peoples and their territories affected by the dam): The removal from the invaders of IT (indigenous territory) Apiterewa and Paquiçamba, and the demarcation of (indigenous territory) Cachoeira Seca. Read the announcement of the occupation:

Open Letter from the Parakanã people

We got tired of waiting. The Parakanã people, from the indigenous territory Apyterewa located in the state of Pará, communicate to the federal government and to Norte Energia that we are tired of waiting that you solve the problem of our land. Since a long time, Apyterewa is being invaded by farmers, squatters, miners, loggers and settlers who are destroying our traditional territory, preventing us from hunting, farming, caring for our children and threatening our people.

For a long time we are told by the government that it would remove the white invaders and return our land to us, so that our people can live in peace. The government wanted to build Belo Monte and said it would solve the problem of our land before the construction of the dam, and (placed that promise as ) a condition of the (Belo Monte dam construction) license. We believed it, but the government lied. The Belo Monte dam is almost finalized, but our traditional territory continues to be invaded by whites (non-indigenous). We no longer believe in the government, because the government does not fulfill its own laws, does not comply with the conditions that it had put in place for Norte Energia to build Belo Monte.

The government is not concerned about our territory, is not concerned with indigenous peoples, is not concerned with our suffering, but is only concerned with Belo Monte. The Juruna of Paquiçamba , the Arara of Volta Grande (the Big Bend) and the Arara of Cachoeira Seca are also hurting without their territory, and we worry for our people/relatives, but the federal government does not care. Our rights are being infringed upon, but no one takes any measures to address them. So we, men, Elders, women and children, are tired of waiting for the good will of the federal government and occupy the construction site of the Belo Monte.

We occupy the site because the dam’s construction should only be happening if our land was already free of invaders and returned to our people, which is one of the conditional legal constraints to begin building Belo Monte. So, as long as our issues and problems regarding our territory have not been solved by the federal government, Belo Monte has to stop. And we’ll stop Belo Monte until the federal government will solve the problem of our land. We’re not here to ask for anything from Norte Energia. The Norte Energia “Belo Monte hydroelectric dam ”consortium also lied a lot, and owes a lot to our people as well, but today we’re not here to talk, nor to negotiate with Norte Energia.

We demand to meet and talk with representatives of the federal government, with the Minister of the General Secretariat of the Presidency, the Minister of the Civil office, the minister of justice, the president of Incra, as well as the president of Funai (Buerau of Indian Affairs-Brazil), to demand that you meet your obligations to return our traditional territory free of invaders. We want you to send the federal police to remove the whites’ that are destroying our land. But, if you are instead sending the police to remove us (protesters) from the construction site, we’ll rather die right her at the construction site of Belo Monte.
Because – without our territory, we have no life.

Altamira , September 12, 2013

Informe COIAB – sobre as ameaças aos Direitos indígenas e a violência enfrentada pelos povos indígenas do Brasil.

Wednesday, June 12th, 2013


Falar de direitos indígenas ou direitos humanos, num momento em que a prioridade é o crescimento econômico por meio do aumento da produção, parece jogar palavras ao vento, pois o modelo de desenvolvimento adotado pelo Brasil estimula as desigualdades sociais onde quem tem bens tende a crescer e oprimir, e torna o pobre cada vez mais pobre.

Em função desse modelo, o governo tem sido omisso e conivente com a ofensiva aos direitos indígenas praticados por meio de medidas administrativas, legislativas e jurídicas antiindígenas nos distintos poderes do Estado.

Há uma notória pactuação com setores políticos e econômicos (latifundiários, agronegócio, mineradoras, empreiteiras, bancos e outras corporações) contrários aos direitos indígenas, interessados nos territórios indígenas e suas riquezas (minerais, hídricas, florestais, biodiversidade), em troca de apoio à sustentabilidade e governança requerida pelo Executivo.

A Coordenação das Organizações indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira – COIAB, principal organização indígena articuladora da Amazônia Brasileira tem o papel fundamental de orientar e acompanhar as ações da política indigenista brasileira, e tem procurado cumprir esse papel apesar das dificuldades administrativas/financeiras e até políticas.
Nos últimos 03 anos as mobilizações têm se intensificado consideravelmente, no que se refere ao enfrentamento às tentativas e ameaças de retrocessos de Direitos por parte dos três poderes da União, Executivo, Legislativo e Judiciário. A conivência do governo federal com os setores econômicos do país tem provocado o aumento dos conflitos fundiários, pois abriu-se a precedência e rever os procedimentos demarcatórios de Terras indígenas, com esta insegurança os povos indígenas reagiram à ação do governo, por meio de mobilizações, ocupações, manifestos, audiências

públicas e tantas outras formas de pressão, pois o governo já demonstrou que povos indígenas representa o atraso do progresso.

Medidas que restringem os direitos indígenas

1. Falta de regulamentação dos direitos constitucionais dos povos indígenas. Fazem parte da ofensiva contra os direitos indígenas, a falta de compromisso do governo brasileiro com a aprovação de Projetos de Lei de interesse indígena no Congresso Nacional como o do Estatuto dos Povos Indígenas, que regulamenta os direitos assegurados pela Constituição Federal, e o do Conselho Nacional de Política Indigenista (CNPI), instancia que deverá articular, normatizar e deliberar sobre as políticas voltadas a esses povos.

2. Leis antiindígenas
2.1. PEC 215/00.
Em sentido contrário à proteção dos direitos indígenas esperada, foi aprovada em 21 de março de 2012, na Comissão de Constituição e Justiça (CCJ) da Câmara dos Deputados, a admissibilidade da Proposta de Emenda à Constituição (PEC) 215/00. A PEC tem o propósito de transferir para o Congresso Nacional a competência de aprovar a demarcação das terras indígenas, criação de unidades de conservação e titulação de terras quilombolas, que é de responsabilidade do poder executivo, por meio da FUNAI, do Ibama e da Fundação Cultural Palmares (FCP), respectivamente. A aprovação da PEC 215 – assim como da PEC 038/ 99, em trâmite no Senado, põem em risco as terras indígenas já demarcadas e inviabiliza toda e qualquer possível demarcação futura. O risco é grande uma vez que o Congresso Nacional é composto, na sua maioria, por representantes de setores econômicos (ruralistas) poderosos patrocinadores do modelo de desenvolvimento em curso.

2.2. Projeto de Mineração. A bancada da mineração, integrada por parlamentares da base aliada do governo, tem o propósito de aprovar também, o Projeto de Lei (PL) 1610/96 que trata da exploração mineral em terras indígenas. O texto do relator, ignora totalmente salvaguardas de proteção da integridade territorial, social, cultural e espiritual dos povos indígenas, desburocratiza a autorização da pesquisa e lavra mineral em terras indígenas, com fartas facilidades e condições que permitem o lucro fácil e avolumado das empresas envolvidas. Ou seja, o texto se preocupa apenas, de forma escandalosa, em disponibilizar as terras indígenas e seus potenciais ao capital financeiro-especulativo, principalmente minerador. Cria as condições para a corrida descontrolada, da grande mineração, pelo ouro nos territórios indígenas; decreta o ataque aos povos indígenas isolados ou de pouco contato, ao submeter o seu destino aos princípios da segurança nacional; relativiza ou afasta de forma ridícula a participação do Ministério Público Federal do seu papel de proteger os direitos indígenas; enterra a autonomia dos povos indígenas, ao submeter a sua decisão de não querer mineração à deliberação de uma comissão governamental deliberativa que deverá dizer qual é a melhor proposta para as comunidades, ressuscitando dessa forma o indigenismo tutelar, paternalista e autoritário. Enfim, minimiza o alcance do direito de consulta estabelecido pela Constituição Federal e a Convenção 169 da OIT;
Os povos e organizações indígenas são contrários a este projeto, pelos estragos que poderá acarretar, e reivindicam que o assunto da mineração seja tratado no texto do Estatuto dos Povos Indígenas, discutido e consensuado amplamente pelo movimento indígena com o Governo Federal nos anos de 2008 e 2009.

3. Medidas administrativas e jurídicas contrarias aos direitos indígenas.

O Governo Federal tem publicado nos últimos dois anos uma série de Decretos e Portarias que tem o propósito de inviabilizar a demarcação de terras reivindicadas pelos povos indígenas e a abertura dos territórios e seus recursos naturais à exploração descontrolada por parte de empresas nacionais e do capital financeiro especulativo transnacional. Destaque para as seguintes:

3.1. Portaria 2498/2011 que objetiva a participação dos entes federados (Estados e municípios) no processo de identificação e delimitação de terras indígenas; ao editar esta medida, o governo ignorou o Decreto 1775/96 que institui os procedimentos de demarcação das terras indígenas e que já garante o direito do contraditório alegado para a criação desta Portaria.

3.2. Portaria 419/2011, que regulamenta a atuação do órgão indigenista, a Fundação Nacional do Índio (FUNAI), em prazo irrisório, nos processos de licenciamento ambiental, para facilitar a implantação de empreendimentos do Programa de Aceleração do Crescimento – PAC (hidrelétricas, mineração, portos, hidrovias, rodovias, linhas de transmissão etc.) nos territórios indígenas.

3.3. Portaria 303 / 2012, que se propõe “normatizar” a atuação dos órgãos jurídicos da Administração Pública Federal direta e indireta em relação às salvaguardas institucionais às terras indígenas. Atendendo o anseio dos latifundiários e do agronegócio, a Portaria, na verdade, busca estender para todas as terras indígenas as condicionantes decididas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) na Ação Judicial contra a Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol (Petição 3.888-Roraima/STF). O Governo editou a Portaria mesmo sabendo que a decisão do STF sobre os embargos declaratórios da Raposa Serra do Sol ainda não transitou em julgado e estas condicionantes podem sofrer modificações ou até mesmo serem afastadas pela Suprema Corte. A Portaria afirma que as terras indígenas podem ser ocupadas por unidades, postos e demais intervenções militares, malhas viárias, empreendimentos hidrelétricos e minerais de cunho estratégico, sem consulta aos povos e comunidades indígenas e à FUNAI; determina a revisão das demarcações em curso ou já demarcadas que não estiverem de acordo com o que o STF decidiu para o caso da Terra Indígena Raposa Serra do Sol; ataca a autonomia dos povos indígenas sobre os seus territórios; limita e relativiza o direito dos povos indígenas sobre o usufruto exclusivo das riquezas naturais existentes nas terras indígenas assegurado pela Constituição Federal; transfere para o Instituto Chico Mendes de Conservação da Biodiversidade (ICMBIO) o controle de terras indígenas, sobre as quais indevida e ilegalmente foram sobrepostas Unidades de Conservação (UCs); e cria problemas para a revisão de limites de terras indígenas demarcadas, que não observaram integralmente o direito indígena sobre a ocupação tradicional.
Todas estas medidas, contrário do que alega o governo, tem criado um clima de apreensão e tensionamento que agrava a insegurança jurídica e social já instalada há
décadas, exatamente em razão da morosidade do Estado em reconhecer, demarcar e proteger as terras e territórios dos povos indígenas.

4. Políticas Públicas precárias.
Como se fosse pouco, a este atropelo dos direitos indígenas pelo Estado Brasileiro por meio de leis e decisões jurídicas soma-se a crise que afeta os povos e comunidades indígenas em todas as áreas de sua vida, decorrente da precariedade das políticas públicas.

4.1. Saúde e Educação Indígena. O atendimento diferenciado nas áreas da saúde e da educação piorou. O quadro que se registra na área da saúde é de caos e calamidade, mesmo depois da criação da Secretaria Especial de Saúde Indígena (SESAI).
Os povos e organizações indígenas reivindicam mudanças substanciais nessa realidade, com aumento do orçamento da Secretaria Especial, a implementação efetiva da autonomia financeira, administrativa e política dos Distritos Sanitários Especiais Indígenas (DSEIs) e a qualificação do atendimento e do controle social dos serviços.

4.2. Criminalização de lideranças e segurança nas terras indígenas. Os conflitos fundiários acirraram-se, a criminalização de lideranças e comunidades aumentou, vítimas de prisões arbitrárias e assassinatos, em razão de suas lutas pela defesa de seu território contra as invasões de fazendeiros, grileiros, madeireiros, pescadores ilegais, empresas agroindustriais, grandes empreendimentos (hidrelétricas, estradas, linhas de transmissão, portos, usinas atômicas, monocultivos etc), entre outras ameaças e despojos às terras indígenas.

4.3. Morosidade na regularização das terras indígenas. A Constituição Federal de 1988 determinou a demarcação das terras indígenas em cinco anos. No entanto, passados 14 anos, mais de 60% das terras indígenas não foram demarcadas e homologadas. Os povos e organizações indígenas reivindicam do Estado brasileiro o reconhecimento e a demarcação imediata das terras indígenas, inclusive com políticas de fortalecimento das áreas demarcadas, assegurando a desintrusão dos invasores dessas terras e políticas e programas duradouros e estruturantes de sustentabilidade econômica dos povos e comunidades indígenas.
Por ocasião da Semana dos povos indígenas 2013, o movimento indígena organizado pela APIB- articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil, em parceria com o CIMI , organizamos uma Semana de luta em defesa dos Direitos, dentre as várias manifestações destacou-se a “ocupação do plenário da Câmara dos Deputados e a ocupação na área de segurança do Palácio do Planalto”, como resultado da mobilização conseguimos impedir a instalação da Comissão especial que seria instalada naquele dia para dar o parecer sobre a PEC 215, e foi criada e instalada uma comissão de trabalho formada por indígenas e deputados somando-se um total de dez membros.
No dia 14 de Maio, aconteceu a primeira reunião onde foi aprovado 05 requerimentos: Realização de uma audiência pública para tratar da Constitucionalidade da PEC 215; Uma audiência Pública para tratar do Decreto 1775 sobre Demarcação de Terras; Agenda com a EMBRAPA para questionar sobre as suas competências em relação a demarcação de Terras indígenas; Relatório Figueiredo e Regulamentação da Convenção 169. As duas audiências que tratam da Constitucionalidade da PEC 215 e do Decreto 1775 acontecerão dia 18 de junho em Brasília.
Embora com o funcionamento da comissão, entendemos as ofensivas continuam a todo vapor, pois enquanto estamos planejando audiências públicas dentro da legalidade para discutir os procedimentos, a Ministra da Casa Civil já se adiantou decretando suspensão de estudos dos processos demarcatórios no Sul do país, desconsiderando os pareceres da FUNAI e transferindo tal responsabilidade para a EMBRAPA, em seguida o Ministro da Justiça- Eduardo Cardoso, o Vice presidente da República –Michel Temer, o Advogado Geral da União – Luis Inácio Adams e o Presidente da Câmara – Henrique Eduardo Alves já decidiram que haverá mudanças nos procedimentos de demarcação cedendo a uma pressão dos grande produtores/ruralistas, alegando que a FUNAI não faz um trabalho justo, pois para a FUNAI toda área estudada é declarada Terra tradicional e assim demarcam áreas muito grande como Terra Indígena lesionando os fazendeiros, e produtores.

Diante de tudo isso, faz-se necessário a urgência na reorganização de estratégias dos movimentos indígenas seja localmente, regionalmente, estadual ou nacional para juntos fazermos este enfrentamento em prol da garantia e cumprimento de nossos direitos e não permitir o retrocesso da Constituição Federal.

CONCLUSÃO
A COIAB, diante da situação exposta reafirma o seu compromisso de continuar na luta pela defesa dos povos e territórios indígenas da Amazônia e conclama às entidades sensíveis e solidárias com as causas sociais, especialmente indígenas, e à opinião pública em geral a se solidarizar com os povos indígenas do Brasil, para que o Estado garanta a proteção devida a seus direitos originários e fundamentais, atualmente gravemente violados inclusive com a omissão e conivência do governo federal.

Amazônia Brasileira, 01 de Junho de 2013

El gobierno boliviano flexibilizó las normas ambientales

Monday, June 3rd, 2013

El gobierno boliviano flexibilizó las normas ambientales y decidió autorizar la exploración y explotación de nuevos yacimientos hidrocarburíferos en los parques nacionales de Bolivia. “Seremos una potencia económica, social, cultural y política y un centro de integración del continente en las siguientes décadas, sin importar el sacrificio que hagamos y los esfuerzos que tengamos que articular”, sentenció el Vicepresidente Álvaro García Linera ==>> Ubicación