Archive for the ‘droit humain à l’eau / Human Rights to Water / el derecho humano al agua’ Category

Germany largely bans fracking with new laws

Sunday, February 12th, 2017

Particularly risky fracking is now banned until at least 2021, and “conventional” fracking will be governed by much tighter rules. For environmentalists, the laws do not go far enough: They want a complete ban.

A new legislative package on the use of fracking in Germany went into effect on Saturday, following much heated debate.
The legislation largely bans a particularly controversial form of fracking and imposes stricter rules on fracking overall. The German parliament and the 16 German states had approved the laws in June and July of 2016 after years of push-and-pull over environmental concerns and economic interests.
For environmentalists, the new laws don’t go far enough: They want a complete ban on all types of fracking. “If we want to meet the climate goals set in Paris, we need a clear ban on every type of oil and gas fracking,” said Kai Niebert, the chairman of Deutscher Naturschutzring, an umbrella organization for German environmentalist groups.

What is fracking?
Fracking – short for hydraulic fracturing – is a method used for extracting fossil fuels. A mix of water, sand and chemicals is pushed into the ground at high pressure to press out gas or oil. It allows the extraction of previously out-of-reach resources, but also poses environmental risks.
The new German laws distinguish between “conventional fracking” and “unconventional fracking.”
Unconventional fracking is used when gas or oil is found not just embedded in rock strata but bound to the stone. In these cases, the fossil fuel often no longer has gaseous or liquid form. Extremely high pressure and high amounts of fracking liquid – often containing highly toxic chemicals – are needed to extract the fuel.
That practice is now banned in Germany until at least 2021, with the exception of up to four test drillings for scientific purposes. The German parliament is set to reassess the ban in four years’ time.
Conventional fracking is used when oil or gas can be reached comparatively easily. Less pressure, less liquid and fewer dangerous chemicals are usually needed to capture the fossil fuels. This method has been used in Germany since the 1960s, often in tandem with regular drilling: When a source is running low, conventional fracking is used to drive out the remaining oil or gas.
It will remain legal in Germany, but will be subject to tighter restrictions. It is, for example, no longer allowed in areas where drinking water is sourced.
Across Europe, laws on fracking vary from one country to the next. While France banned the procedure in 2011, the administration in the United Kingdom has plans to use fracking to explore its gas reserves to become more energy-independent in the post-Brexit era.
In the United States, unconventional fracking is particularly widespread. While some US states have banned the procedure, most states – especially those with large fossil fuel reserves – allow this type of drilling. President Donald Trump recently approved the Dakota Access pipeline, which is supposed to transport oil obtained through fracking in North Dakota across the US.
mb/tj (AFP, dpa)

Statement from the family of Arthur Manuel on his passing

Wednesday, January 18th, 2017

Arthur_ManuelOn Wednesday January 11, 2017 at 11:00 PM, Arthur Manuel, our beloved father, grandfather, husband, brother, uncle, warrior, and teacher passed away. Arthur was one of our most determined and outspoken Secwepemc leaders and activists—a pillar in the resistance, known globally for his tireless advocacy for Indigenous Peoples’ right to self-determination. He passed on into the spirit world surrounded by many generations of his loving family.

Arthur was the son of Marceline Paul of the Ktuanaxa Nation and George Manuel of the Secwepemc Nation. George was a political leader and visionary who served as president of the National Indian Brotherhood and the World Council of Indigenous Peoples.

Arthur was born into the struggle and groomed to be a leader and defender of Indigenous rights and title. Coming up as a young leader in the 1970s, he served as president of the National Native Youth Association, leading the occupation of Indian Affairs. He attended Concordia University (Montreal, Quebec) and Osgoode Hall Law School (Toronto, Ontario).

He returned to his community and was elected Chief of Neskonlith Indian Band, Chair of the Shuswap Nation Tribal Council, and Chair of the Assembly of First Nations Delgamuukw Implementation Strategic Committee. He was a long-time co-chair of the North American Indigenous Peoples Caucus of the UN Permanent Forum on Indigenous Issues and former co-chair of the Global caucus. He was active in the Defenders of the Land and Idle No More movement and as a board member of the Seventh Generation Fund for Indigenous Peoples. He was one of the main strategic thinkers of the decolonization movement in Canada. As the spokesman for the Indigenous Network on Economies and Trade, he convinced the World Trade Organization to recognize that Indigenous peoples are subsidizing the BC lumber industry through the non-recognition of Aboriginal title. He was co-author, along with Grand Chief Ronald Derrickson, of the award-winning Unsettling Canada: A National Wake-Up Call, with a foreword by his friend and fellow activist Naomi Klein.

He worked selflessly in defence of Indigenous territorial authority and he fiercely opposed any termination of Indigenous land rights. He rejected provincial and federal authority over unceded Indigenous land, and challenged the extinguishment of Indigenous title through the BC treaty process. He fought climate change, battling the imminent threat of pipelines across Secwepemc territory.

He was a world traveller who connected Indigenous nations across the globe to unite in a common vision and defend their rights. He was gifted a button blanket by the Nuxalk nation and has received countless honours for his work around the world.

Arthur was also a teacher and a mentor to many. He was a source of knowledge for youth and young leaders. Through his fierce love for his people, he shone a light on the path to justice for a new generation of activists.

He’s a residential school survivor, having attended the Kamloops (Kamloops BC), St Eugene’s (Cranbrook BC) and St. Mary’s (Mission BC) residential schools.

Arthur is survived by his life partner, Nicole Schabus, by his sisters Emaline, Martha, Doreen, and Ida, his brothers George, Richard, and Ara, and by his children, Kanahus, Mayuk, Ska7cis and Snutetkwe. He is predeceased by his parents, sister Vera, brother Bobby, beloved son Neskie and his grandchildren Napika Amak and Megenetkwe.

In his most recent article on Canada’s 150th celebration, published only a week before his death, Arthur insisted again that Canada was built entirely on the theft of Indigenous lands.

“Our Indian reserves are only .02% of Canada’s land and yet Indigenous peoples are expected to survive on them. This has led to the systematic impoverishment of Indigenous people and the crippling oppression that indigenous peoples suffer under the current colonial system.

The .02 land based is used to keep us too poor and too weak to fight back. It is used to bribe and co-opt the Indigenous leadership into becoming neocolonial partners to treat the symptom of poverty on Indian reserves without addressing the root cause of the problem, which is the dispossession of all of the Indigenous territory by Canada and the provinces.” – First Nations Strategic Bulletin, August-December 2016 Issue

Wake: Friday, January 13th 5:00 PM and Saturday, January 14th, Adams Lake Indian Band Gymnasium, 6349 Chief Jules Drive, Chase, BC

Funeral Services: Sunday, January 15th 10:00 AM, Adams Lake Indian Band Gymnasium

Media contact: Russell Diabo at 613-296-0110 or
Donations to support Arthur’s service can be sent to
Condolences to the family and photos of Arthur can be sent to

Earth Peoples co-founder Arthur Manuel passed away, 66-years-old.

Friday, January 13th, 2017

Dear Earth Peoples.
Arthur Manuel was always working hard.
Tiokasin Ghosthorse brought me to collaborate with Rebecca Sommer, one of my best friends… and this is where I met Arthur. I was very glad to from the start. I was in line with him in the cafeteria at the UN during the indigenous peoples caucus for the Earth Peoples partners event. I got some coffee and was going to sit down at the table he was at. Arthur said with warning…you might not want to sit there. I said oh is this seat taken? He said no its just that you might not want to be associated with me. A lot of people do not like me.
I looked around over my shoulders and said.. jokingly I said….want me to beat them up for you? He laughed a lot. That was the comical and genuine relationship that I had with him from the start. He is someone I am honored to say has changed my life and i can call him my favorite person and a best friend. I am so thrilled that I had the opportunity to know Arthur.
Arthur was my Earth Peoples brother, a child of our mother Earth and I loved him very much. I always looked up to him for saving the world. I remember saying to Arthur that I hope that I can somehow make a difference in the world like he does. I would like to make my life meaningful. He said Elaine, You don’t want to do what i do. He said… I am not complaining but Elaine, you have the creative arts and you can work in that medium and be effective. As you do…. and it seems more fun. That meant a lot to me. I appreciate that with all of my heart. I hope that i can send that message through my art so that I can make him proud and maybe send some laughs too.
He lives forever in our hearts. He lived. I only hope that I can too live a life that makes the ancestors proud  as was well.

Book Arhur ManualHis last writing to me was when he signed his book
Unsettling Canada
for me with the words “May the world be good to you my friend.

He will be greatly missed!!!



Sunday, February 1st, 2015

In regard to the
Second Cycle-22nd Session
April-May 2015, Geneva, Switzerland

Submitted by Indigenous World Association (IWA) an ECOSOC NGO and the Laguna Acoma Coalition for a Safe Environment
This Report is submitted by the Indigenous World Association (IWA), an ECOSOC accredited NGO, together with the Laguna-Acoma Coalition for a Safe Environment (LACSE). LACSE, an organization of Laguna Pueblo and Acoma Pueblo residents, in New Mexico, USA, is committed to addressing uranium mining legacy issues, including protection of sacred areas, affecting both indigenous nations, and is a member of the Multicultural Alliance for a Safe Environment (MASE,, which addresses issues of environmental justice related to uranium mining in the Grants uranium belt in Northwestern New Mexico.


Despite the 2010 statement in support of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (UNDRIP) by the United States, the United States has failed to provide meaningful implementation of the rights contained in the UNDRIP. Perhaps in response to the calls by this body in the last UPR cycle in March 2010, as well as that of other UN Human bodies, the United States issued a statement in support of the UNDRIP in December 2010. However the United States continues to insist that the UNDRIP is “a non-binding, aspirational document” and renders the UNDRIP ineffective through federal, state and local actions that deny indigenous peoples the exercise of rights contained in the ICCPR, the ICERD, and the UNDRIP.

This report addresses the United States’ failure to provide substantive protection for sacred areas and landscapes, in the face of recommendations by the Human Rights Committee in the 2014 ICCPR review, by the CERD committee in the 2014 CERD Review, and by several UN special rapporteurs. Related to these rights are those impacted by extractive activities that impact sacred areas and discriminatorily deprive indigenous communities of essential human rights such as the right to free prior and informed consent and rights related to religion and culture.

1. Mt. Taylor (“Kaaweesthiimaa” in the Acoma language, “Tsibiinaa” in the Laguna language), a sacred landscape and area to Acoma, Laguna, and other Indigenous Nations in the region, is under threat of irreparable harm should proposed uranium mining by Roca Honda Resources, LLC, and others proceed in the area. Despite the recognition of this area as a traditional cultural property under federal and state law, the United States Forest Service, an agency of the United States government, has taken actions which substantively disregard United States obligations under the International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD), especially rights with regard to property, health, and participation in cultural activities provided in Article 5 of the ICERD. Despite the Recommendation of the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination (hereinafter “CERD”) in 2008, to ensure that activities carried out in areas of spiritual and cultural significance to Native Americans do not have a negative impact on the enjoyment of their rights under the Convention, the United States has failed to observe its human rights obligations in this situation.

2. Current federal law purporting to provide protection for cultural rights, and policy on consultation in cases affecting protection of cultural rights, including Executive Orders, have provided no substantive protection for cultural rights. Both the federal and state governments are responsible permitting agencies for mining activities. However, the United States has not taken sufficient steps to establish appropriate mechanisms to ensure a coordinated approach towards the implementation of the Convention at the federal, state and local levels, which are all implicated in the case of Mt. Taylor.

3. The United States Environmental Protection Agency and the New Mexico Environment Department have failed to clean up 97 abandoned uranium mines and 5 former mills in the Grants Mining District in New Mexico after 30 plus years. This includes the Homestake-Barrick Gold mill site now a U.S. Superfund site.

4. The United States Department of Agriculture, and its subsidiary the United States Forest Service, is seeking to permit new uranium mining which will irreparably impact the Mt. Taylor Traditional Cultural Property. The free prior and informed consent of indigenous peoples impacted, including Laguna Pueblo, Acoma Pueblo, Zuni Tribe and Navajo Nation has not been fully obtained for new proposed uranium mining at Mt. Taylor, which is within the aboriginal lands of these indigenous peoples in New Mexico. obtained.

5. Human rights violations of affected indigenous people in New Mexico have been presented in reports to the Human Rights Committee in the United States Review under the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR) and to the CERD Committee as part of the United States review under the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (CERD) during 2014. In both reviews, the United Nations monitoring committees issued conclusions and recommendations regarding protection of sacred places and the need to provide free, prior and informed consent especially in cases regarding extractive activities.

6. The United States has failed to implement existing laws in a manner that fully implements the rights contained in the UNDRIP, including access to sacred sites and cultural rights. These laws include the American Indian Religious Freedom Act (42 U.S.C. 1996), the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (25 U.S.C. 3001 et seq.), the Religious Freedom Restoration Act of 1993 (42 U.S.C. 2000 bbl), and the National Historic Preservation Act (16 U.S.C. 470 et seq.) It also violates Executive Order 13007, which directs federal agencies to “accommodate access to and ceremonial use of Indian sacred sites by Indian religious practioners.”

7. The United is ignoring established federal laws and policies protecting indigenous sacred sites when it permits new extractive mining. Specifically it ignores Cite: See Shadow Reports referenced herein and submitted to ICCPR and CERD. See also, Letter of Multicultural Alliance for a Safe Environment, dated June 13, 2013, pp. 5-7.

8. The United States continues to apply discriminatory laws, such as the General Mining Act of 1872, the 1897 Organic Act, and the 1955 Multiple Use Mining Act, all of which preference mining activities over cultural practices on public land.

9. The United States has so far failed to educate federal agencies, state agencies, and local governments on the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples, the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, and the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination. The UPR Working Group, in the first UPR cycle for the United States, urged the United States to incorporate human rights training and education in their public policies.

1. That the United States follow the recommendation of several human rights bodies and establish a National Human Rights institution.
2. That the United States fully implement the UNDRIP.
3. That the United States undertake a comprehensive review of domestic laws and policies, which some U.S. and state agencies interpret to privilege extractive activities over the rights of indigenous peoples, and bring them into compliance with international human rights standards.
4. That the United States adopt effective measures to protect cultural landscapes and sacred areas of indigenous peoples against desecration, contamination and destruction and ensure that consultations are held with the communities that might be adversely affected by State party’s development projects and exploitation of natural resources with a view to obtaining their free, prior and informed consent for the potential project activities.
5. Recommend that the United States take steps to establish appropriate mechanisms to ensure a coordinated approach towards the implementation of the Convention at the federal, state and local levels.”

A lógica perversa do capitalismo verde

Wednesday, December 17th, 2014


Para entender como e por que o capitalismo verde avança sobre os territórios indígenas e das populações tradicionais é necessário reconhecer os paradoxos da água. Ou seja, a água é vida e morte, liberdade e escravidão, esperança e opressão, guerra e paz. A água é um bem imensurável, insubstituível e indispensável à vida em nosso planeta, considerada pelo Artigo 225 da Constituição Federal, bem difuso, de uso comum do povo.
Fonte da notícia: Jornal Porantim – Edição Especial “NÃO à Economia “Verde”
“Tudo o que é financeiro, lamentavelmente, é econômico. Mas nem tudo o que é econômico é financeiro”
Por Amyra El Khalili
Nesse sentido, a recente descoberta do que pode ser o maior aquífero de água doce do mundo na região amazônica, o Alter do Chão, que se estende sob os estados do Amazonas, Amapá e Pará, exige atenção e cuidado por parte da sociedade brasileira[i].

O aquífero Alter do Chão, que chega a 86 mil quilômetros cúbicos, possui quase o dobro da capacidade hídrica do Aquífero Guarani, com 45 mil quilômetros cúbicos. Sendo assim, ele atrai, inevitavelmente, a cobiça dos países do hemisfério Norte, que já não têm mais água para o consumo, e pode tornar-se a causa de enfrentamentos geopolíticos. Processo similar acontece no Oriente Médio, com disputas sangrentas pelo petróleo e gás natural.

O controle sobre esta riqueza hídrica depende exclusivamente do controle territorial. As águas são transfronteiriças e avançam sobre os limites entre municípios, estados e países. O recorde histórico da cheia do Rio Madeira neste ano de 2014, que inundou cidades na Bolívia, além das trágicas inundações nos estados de Rondônia e no Acre, é um bom exemplo desta característica das águas.

De modo geral, a água está sendo contaminada com a mineração e com o despejo de efluentes, agrotóxicos e químicos, e poderá ser poluída também com a eminência da exploração de gás de xisto, onde a técnica usada para fraturar a rocha pode contaminar as águas subterrâneas.

Terra à venda

Segundo estimativas de um relatório do projeto Land Matrix, que reúne organizações internacionais focadas na questão agrária, mais de 83,2 milhões de hectares de terra em países em desenvolvimento foram vendidos em grandes transações internacionais desde 2000. Os países economicamente mais vulneráveis da África e da Ásia perderam extensas fatias de terras em transações internacionais nos últimos 10 anos, sendo que a África é o principal alvo das aquisições, seguida da Ásia e da América Latina. Estas compras são estimuladas pelo aumento nos preços das commodities agrícolas e pela escassez de água em alguns dos países compradores, que o fazem para a exploração da agricultura, mineração, madeira e do turismo[ii].

Outros países são alvos desta ofensiva fundiária, como a Indonésia, Filipinas, Malásia, Congo, Etiópia, Sudão e o Brasil, que teve mais de 3,8 milhões de hectares vendidos para estrangeiros somente nos últimos 12 anos. É importante salientar que, até aqui, estamos falando de terras que podem ser adquiridas, em tese, através da compra. Porém, as terras indígenas e de populações tradicionais são terras da União e, não podem ser negociadas e nem alienadas, pois estão protegidas por leis nacionais e internacionais.

Acontece que são justamente estas as terras que estão preservadas e conservadas ambientalmente e são as mais ricas em biodiversidade, água, minério e energia (bens comuns). E, portanto, são nessas áreas que ocorre o avanço desenfreado do capitalismo verde que nada mais é que o velho e desgastado modelo colonialista, extrativista e expansionista neoliberal com uma roupagem atualizada, que visa a apropriação dos bens comuns. Esses bens são definidos como “recursos naturais”, assim como os trabalhadores são considerados pelo sistema como “recursos humanos”. Tudo neste modelo “verde” é usado ilimitadamente e no curto prazo.

Essa concepção utilitarista do “capitalismo verde” já é confrontada com outros modelos de vida, como o Bem Viver, dos povos das florestas, a economia socioambiental, a economia solidária e a agroecologia, dentre outras que estão florescendo.

Para a implementação deste modelo com purpurina verde, algumas leis estão sendo aprovadas com o claro propósito de beneficiar o mercado financeiro. Paralelamente, outras leis são desmanteladas para institucionalizar e legitimar a ocupação de estrangeiros, empresários e banqueiros em territórios latino-americanos e caribenhos, como é o caso dos direitos fundamentais dos povos indígenas, do Código Florestal e dos direitos trabalhistas.

Confundir para se apropriar

Desse modo, contratos unilaterais e perversos são assinados por atores com forças políticas totalmente desiguais, em que confunde-se, propositadamente, “financiar” com “financeirizar”.

Aqui cabe uma elucidativa exemplificação: financiar é, por exemplo, permitir que uma costureira compre uma máquina de costura e consiga pagá-la com o fruto de seu trabalho, tornando-se independente de um empregador para que venha a ser empreendedora.

Já, financeirizar é fazer com que a costureira endivide-se para comprar uma máquina de costura e jamais consiga pagá-la, até que o credor possa tomar a máquina da costureira por inadimplência (não cumprimento do acordo mercantil)

A financeirização faz com que uma parte do acordo, a descapitalizada, fique endividada e tenha que entregar o que ainda possui, como as terras indígenas. E, assim, são desenhados perversos contratos financeiros e mercantis com a finalidade de vincular as terras ricas em bens comuns para que essas garantias fiquem alienadas e à disposição da parte mais forte: a capitalizada.

Nestes termos, as populações indígenas e os povos das florestas deixam de poder usar o que lhes mantém vivos e o que preservam há séculos para as presentes e futuras gerações, as florestas e as águas, para que terceiros possam utilizá-los, além de que estes passam também a controlar seus territórios.

É esta a lógica perversa do capitalismo verde, sustentado pelo argumento de que as florestas “em pé” somente serão viáveis se tiverem valor econômico. O que é uma falácia, pois valor econômico as florestas “em pé” e as águas sempre tiveram. O que não tinham, até então, era valor financeiro, já que não há preço que pague o valor econômico das florestas, dos bens comuns e dos “serviços” que a natureza nos proporciona gratuitamente.

O capitalismo somente avança nas fronteiras que consegue quantificar. Porém, jamais conseguirá se apropriar do que a sociedade puder qualificar.
O bem ambiental é definido pela Constituição como sendo “de uso comum do povo”, ou seja, não é bem de propriedade pública, mas sim de natureza difusa, razão pela qual ninguém pode adotar medidas que impliquem gozar, dispor, fruir do bem ambiental ou destruí-lo. Ao contrário, ao bem ambiental, é somente conferido o direito de usá-lo, garantindo o direito das presentes e futuras gerações.
Somente qualificando o bem comum, ao dar-lhe importância econômica pela garantia da qualidade de vida que nos proporcionam e nos recusando a colocar-lhes preço (financeirizando-o), é que poderemos impedir o avanço desenfreado do capitalismo verde sobre os territórios indígenas e das populações tradicionais.
Não podemos nos omitir nem deixar de nos posicionar em favor daqueles que são os guardiões das florestas e das águas. Se o povo, o proprietário hereditário dos bens comuns, decidir que o ouro, o petróleo e o gás de xisto, dentre outros minérios, devem ficar debaixo do solo para que possamos ter água com segurança hídrica e alimentar, que sua vontade soberana seja cumprida.

Panel finds corporations, United Nations and governments guilty of violating nature’s rights

Saturday, December 13th, 2014

By Indigenous Environmental Network.

Lima, Peru (Dec. 7, 2014)– The International Tribunal for the Rights of Nature judged twelve international and domestic cases; examining the violation of the rights of peoples and nature committed by corporations, The United Nations, and governmental entities. The judgments reference the legal framework of the Rights of Nature and the Universal Declaration of the Rights of Mother Earth. The cases were reviewed on Dec. 5th and 6th in Lima’s Gran Hotel Bolivar.

According to Alberto Acosta, president of the Tribunal and former president of the Constitutional Assembly of Ecuador, the rights of nature must have a universal validity. “This ethical tribunal arises when States fail to fulfill their obligation to preserve the lives of living beings,” said Acosta. “As long as nature is seen as property in law, there can be no justice for communities, the climate or nature.”

Acosta led the 13 judges through 12 cases

The Tribunal was dedicated to Shuar leader, José Tendentza, who was found murdered just days before the Tribunal. Tendentza of Southern Ecuador was scheduled to present the Condor Mine case. Acosta led the 13 judges through 12 cases that were determined by the judges to demonstrate egregious violations to rights of nature and human rights. Cases included:

-False Solutions related to Climate Change and REDD+;
-Peruvian cases: Conga Mine, Bagua Massacre – Defenders of Earth, 4 River Basins of Peru;
-Ecuadorian cases: Condor Mine, Chevron/Texaco, and Yasuni ITT
Brazil: Belo Monte Dam
-USA and Bolivia: Hydraulic fracturing “fracking”
-Oceans: BP Gulf of Mexico Oil Spill, coal mine and other threats to Australia’s Great Barrier Reef

Of the cases, the oil exploitation of the Yasuni territory of Ecuador was condemned in addition to the relentless persecution Yasunidos are facing for their dissent. Since 2013, the Ecuadorian government green-lighted oil drilling in Yasuni National Park, one of the most biodiverse areas in the world and home to two indigenous nations in voluntary isolation.

In protest, a group of young Yasunidos joined together to claim the rights of nature, which are guaranteed in the Constitution of Ecuador. They collected more than 800,000 signatures to call for a referendum on the oil exploitation, but their request was rejected by electoral institutions. The Yasunidos are now suing the Ecuadorian government, led by President Rafael Correa, and are waiting for their complaint to be reviewed by the tribunal of the Inter-American Commission on Human Rights (CIDH).

Additionally, the Tribunal for the Rights of Nature found Chevron-Texaco in Ecuador to be guilty of using inappropriate technology and causing irreversible damage to the environment. They determined that the corporation must fully compensate those affected by the environmental impact.

The Peruvian cases of Conga and Bagua were accepted as threats of violation to the rights of nature. An international special commission was appointed to visit the impacted Amazonian basins to collect more information on the contamination.

The case of the mining project in the Cordillera del Condor was found by the Tribunal to be in direct violation of the rights of nature. They determined that mining must be suspended and those affected must be compensated. They urge the state to investigate and punish those responsible for the death of José Tendentza, the prominent social activist that was in opposition to the mining.

A widow of one of the four murdered activists shares her testimony

The Peruvian cases of Conga and Bagua were accepted as threats of violation to the rights of nature. An international special commission was appointed to visit the impacted Amazonian basins to collect more information on the contamination.

Shannon Biggs, director of Movement Rights, shared testimony on the impacts of fracking , a process of extracting natural gas from shale rock layers deep within the earth. “You cannot do safe fracking,” said Biggs. “This technique should have never been invented. It is one of the most destructive activities against the environment ever seen.”

According to Biggs, 800,000 active oil and gas wells are being fracked in the United States, producing roughly 300,000 natural gas barrels per day. Severe water pollution and earthquakes have been linked with fracking. “We die from fracking. The population is suffering from cancer; my sister has died,” said Casey Camp-Horinek (Ponca) of Oklahoma in her testimony. “The water is contaminated; we cannot fish. We are in danger of extinction.”

Plans to develop large-scale hydraulic fracking in Bolivia were reported by Martin Vilela of Platform Climate Reaction. In recent years the country has increased the production and export of natural gas. 82.4% of its production is exported, generating more than six billion dollars a year. Bolivia has 8.23 trillion cubic feet of gas, and YPFB plans to invest over 40 million dollars between 2013 and 2015. Vilela explained that in 2013 this corporation signed an agreement for fracking in the Chaco area, a region with water scarcity to extract 48 trillion cubic feet of shale gas. Estimates determine that this would consume between 112 and 335 billion liters of water.

Nnimmo Bassey, a Nigerian architect, environmental activist presented on the contamination and temperature rise affecting Nigeria. According to Bassey, oil fields and pipelines have caused deep environmental degradation, deforestation, and countless oil spills. Life expectancy in these impacted areas is 44 years.

Bassey warned that climate change will have catastrophic consequences. “For every degree the temperature rises globally, in Africa it will rise an additional 50%.” In 2012 floods in Nigeria led to the relocation of 6 million inhabitants. Bassey speculates that in 2030 Africa violent conflicts will increase by 54% due to the lack of access to natural resources.

At the hearing on “false climate solutions,” geoengineering techniques that seek to manipulate climate without changing the conditions that cause climate change were reviewed.

REDD+ was also put on trial. President of the Huni Kui people of Acre, Brazil, Ninawa Kaxinawá (Hunikui) testified that “REDD is a lie. We do not accept putting nature on market because it is our soul and spirit; it is priceless, it is our voice.”

According to Ruth Nyambura, of the Biodiversity Network Africa, says that in Kenya, evictions are occurring as a result of REDD. “Four indigenous people were arrested,” said Nyambura. “A woman was hit by the forest service because she was outside of her land.”

The Tribunal is calling for a special hearing in Paris in 2015 to coincide with the upcoming UN COP 21 summit.

NAMIBIA: Semi-nomadic HIMBA march again in protest – against dam construction and government attempt to bribe Himba chief’s consent- 29 March 2014

Saturday, March 29th, 2014

By Rebecca Sommer

The indigenous Himba people from Namibia object for over a decade to the construction of a hydro dam: They filed with the help of EARTH PEOPLES reports and complaint procedures at the United Nations, marched numerous times in protest, wrote letters to the head of state and other relevant governmental authorities.

Himba+Zemba from Angola and Namibia protest against dam and bribery (by Namibia and Chinese company that would build the dam) of their chief, 29.3.2014 (Photo © Earth Peoples)

Himba+Zemba from Angola and Namibia protest against dam and bribery (by Namibia and Chinese company that would build the dam) of their chief, 29.3.2014 (Photo © Earth Peoples)

Two sinister Namibian men in cahoots with the Namibia government and the Chinese company that would build the dam have been exposed to severe bribery attempts that lead to the downfall of former Himba chief Kapika. His younger brother from father side will take over the reigns next week.

Namibia regards Himba Chief Kapika (for region Epupa) as the main obstacle to the dam construction project that they desperately want to get off the ground.

It started somewhere in Novembr of last year, when information reached Earth Peoples for the first time that two Namibian business men, Mervin Hengari and Justice Tjirimuje, were heavily targeting Ovahimba (Himba) Chief Hikuminae Kapika to win his support for the construction of the Baynes Hydro Power Plant along the Kunene River.

Hengari and Tjirimuje are both due to go on trial on charges of corruption in connection with another dam issue, the Neckartal Dam tender, therefore it was more than worrisome to learn that they have made it their personal mission to bring Chief Kapika on board.

It is worthwhile to read the Observer24 Journalist Diana Ndimbra article from February 2014 for more details: Read Diana Ndimbra’s article:

After the two sinister characters had visited Kapika several times, they returned to the homestead of Kapika, this time with a Namibian governmental delegation, joined by Chinese company representatives that would build the dam at Orokawe.

It is said that he agreed to the proposal that members of the HImba community and himself would travel overseas “to learn about and to see dams”.

Very much to the dismay of the larger Himba community that learned about this invitation and trip to China once they had left, only two Himba were from the actual area that would be directly affected by the dam.

Himba protest 29 March 2014 / Himba women looking at the location of proposed dam (behind the mountain )  Photo © Earth Peoples

Himba protest 29 March 2014 / Himba women looking at the location of proposed dam (behind the mountain ) Photo © Earth Peoples

The group returned to Namibia in October, and since than the Himba people waited at several regional meetings for chief Kapika and the others to explain what had happened. Chief Kapika never showed up at any of the meetings, and his community grew by the time angrier while rumors began to spread that Kapika had signed a document which was believed to be a agreement on behalf of the Himba people to build the dam in Namibia.

After former chief Kapika’s return from China (and Cuba), the two murky businessmen Hengari and Tjirimuje brought Kapika and the others on a farm west of Okahnadja that belongs to one of the two businessmen men in question. There they told him that the intention was to make him a gazetted chief and promised the rest of the group of Herero and Himba 700 hundred thousand N$ to each of them should they convince him to sign his consent for the dam’s construction. Members of that group also reported to the community that several governmental meetings took place during the time in Windhoeck where governmental authorities confirmed and repeated the same promises (or bribes,  as one could say) .  The group stayed for nearly three months at the ranch.

After Kapika finally returned to Himba territory, his homestead Omuramba was all by a sudden protected by a permanent police contingent, and his own people were not allowed to speak with him without a police officer standing right next to him. They vacated his place only very recently some days ago, after the communities’ anger was starting to explode.

NAMIBIA: Himba / Zemba (Ovahimba / Ovazemba) people protest against governmental bribery of their chief to force consent on hydro dam construction with signs"NO to the dam" (PHOTO © EARTH PEOPLES)

NAMIBIA: Himba / Zemba (Ovahimba / Ovazemba) people protest against dam and governmental bribery of their chief to force his consent for hydro dam construction

At today’s indigenous peoples human rights protest that started in Okapare and ended in Epupa, with over 500 participants and covered by NBC, the Himba people reaffirmed their objection to the construction of the dam, and repeated their demands for their human rights.

They were joined by Himba from the other side of the border, Angola. Both countries don’t want to listen to their indigenous peoples, the original inhabitants of that very territory where both states want to build the dam.

“Nothing has changed, we strongly oppose the dam and will continue to fight its construction, no bribes and no targeting of our leaders will change that,” they said.

READ Himba Protest Declaration/Letter:

Himba Protest Letter 26 March 2014, explaining that they continue to object to dam construction and their objection to bribery attempts by the government of Namibia with the goal to get Himba Chief Kapika to sign a consent document to the dam.

Himba Protest Letter 26 March 2014, explaining that they continue to object to dam construction and their objection to bribery attempts by the government of Namibia with the goal to get Himba Chief Kapika to sign a consent document to the dam.

The Himba had made valuable suggestions to both states to use solar energy instead of blocking the water of the Kunene River. (Read here)

Listen to Himba’s human rights problems:

Himba from Angola and Namibia protest March 29th 2014 against hydro dam / government bribery to force their chief's consent (images©Earth Peoples)

Himba from Angola and Namibia protest March 29th 2014 against hydro dam / government bribery to force their chief

Added by Earth Peoples blog administrator on the 30th of March 2014:
Himba Information Statement written and signed on the 30 March 2014 explains that the Himba want the Namibian government to adhere to Human Rights laws, that they want the outside world to be informed of what is happening to them and that former headman Hikuminue Kapika was replaced to the newly appointed chief Mutambanda Kapika (fo Epupa/Omavanda region).

Namibia/ Indigenous Peoples: Semi nomadic Himba protest against hydro dam and for human rights 29 March 2014 (Photo © Earth Peoples)

Namibia/ Indigenous Peoples: Semi nomadic Himba protest against hydro dam and for human rights 29 March 2014 (Photo © Earth Peoples)

Denuncia del CONAMAQ ante James Anaya – suplantación orgánica y minería desterritorializadora

Friday, March 28th, 2014

Información para James Anaya, Relator Especial de las Naciones Unidas sobre Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, respecto a vulneración de derechos de la organización nacional indígena CONAMAQ – Bolivia

Respecto al Consejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qollasuyu – CONAMAQ:

El CONAMAQ es el gobierno originario de 16 pueblos y naciones indígenas, constituido el 22 de marzo de 1997, con personalidad jurídica No 0342, que cumple con las tareas y las competencias basadas en las normas y procedimientos propios de los pueblos ancestrales del Qollasuyu, las mismas están reconocidas en la normativa internacional y la Constitución Política del Estado vigente.

Respecto a la democracia interna y orgánica, en el marco de los artículos 3, 4 y 5 de la Declaración sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas, el CONAMAQ, como organización matriz, tiene por norma de elección y renovación de su Consejo de Gobierno (Comité Ejecutivo Nacional) el thaki (camino) y muyu (turno). Sus instancias máximas de decisión son el Mara Tantachawi (Congreso anual) y el Jach’aTantachawi (Gran Congreso). En el Jach’a Tantachawi se elige y consagra al Consejo de Gobierno, cuya gestión dura 2 años, según se establece en el Estatuto Orgánico.

El otro nivel de decisión orgánico es del denominado Consejo de Consejos (Comité Ampliado Nacional), donde participan los Mallkus y T‟allas de Suyu (Autoridades Regionales de cada Nación) de las 16 naciones miembros del CONAMAQ. Sus mandatos son vinculantes para el Consejo de Gobierno. (Anexo 1).

1. ¿Cuándo y dónde?

Fecha: el 14 de enero de 2014 alrededor de las 12:15 hrs. Lugar: oficinas del Consejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qullasuyu (CONAMAQ), ubicado en la

calle Luis Uria de la Oliva No 2833, zona Sopocachi, ciudad de La Paz – Bolivia.

2. Víctima (s) o Comunidad afectada:

Nombres, números y detalles completos sobre la localización del o pueblos indígena, comunidad o individuo(s) cuyos derechos supuestamente se han violado o están bajo amenaza.

Las víctimas son 37 autoridades originarias nacionales (dirigentes de la gestión 2014 – 2015), ex autoridades, jóvenes y representantes de comunidades del CONAMAQ (Anexo 2). La relación de los nombres es la siguiente:

1 Freddy Bernabé Martínez, Jiliri Apu Mallku (Presidente), Sora (Departamento de Oruro)

2 Cancio Rojas Colque, Arkiri Apu Mallku (Vicepresidente), Charkas Qara Qara (Departamento de Potosí),

3 Nilda Rojas Huanca, Arkiri Apu Mama T’alla (Vicepresidenta), Charkas Qara Qara (Departamento de Potosí),

4 Walberto Baraona Garnica, Jatun Tata Kuraka (Presidente Regional), Qhara Qhara (Departamento Chuquisaca)

5 Jhonny Pocomani Medrano, Consejo de Jóvenes, Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

6 Virginia Alí de González, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ, Killakas (Departamento de Potosí

7 Noemí Mollo Huallpa, Consejo de Jóvenes, Qhara Qhara (Departamento Chuquisaca)

8 Honoria Laguna, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ, Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

9 Cristobal Huanca Salle, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ, Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

10 Mercedez Tapia Cor, Representante de comunidad Ayllus de Cochabamba (departamento de Cochabamba)

11 Fidel Condori Mitam, Parisi (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ, Qhara Qhara (Departamento de Potosí)

12 Simón Cruz Villca, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ, Jatun Ayllu Killakas Asanajaqe (Departamento de Oruro)

13 Mario Mamani Quispe, Mallku (autoridad) de Consejo Killlakas (Departamento de Potosí)

14 Valentín Sánchez Peralta, Representante de comunidad Ayllus de Cochabamba (Departamento de Cochabamba)

15 René Vargas Llaveta Jatun Tata Kuraka (presidente regional) Yampara Suyu (Departamento de Chuquisaca)

16 Damiana Condori Mamani, Representante de comunidad Charkas Qhara Qhara (Departamento de Potosí)

17 Martha Montiel, Activista de Derechos Humanos Chile

18 Juan José Sardina Espinoza, Representante de comunidad Chichas (Departamento de Potosí)

19 Pascual Copa Villafuerte, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ Killakas (Departamento de Potosí)

20 Angélica Sarzuri Gutiérrez, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ Jach‟a Suyu Pakajaqe (Departamento de La Paz)

21 Francisco Canaviri Ajalla, Autoridad de Ayllu Charkas Qhara Qhara (Departamento de Potosí)

22 Saturnino Maraza Marcos, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ Jatun Ayllu Killakas Asanajaqe (Departamento de Oruro)

23 Basilio Alconz Calani, Consejo de Jóvenes Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

24 Amadeo Mercado Cruz, Representante de Comunidad Ayllus de Cochabamba (Departamento de Cochabamba)

25 Juana Calle Apata, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

26 Felipa Vique Huari, Pasiri (ex autoridad) del CONAMAQ Chichas (Departamento de Potosí)

27 Benjamín González Barrozo, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ Killakas (Departamento de Potosí)

28 Severino Gómez Blanc, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

29 Alejandra Mamani Villca, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ Jach‟a Karangas (Departamento de Oruro)

30 Renato Sánchez, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ, Chuwis (Departamento de Cochabamba)

31 Genaro Quispe Mollo, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de Jach‟a Suyu Jach‟a Suyu Paka Jaqe (Departamento Pakajaqe de La Paz)

32 Felix Condori Blanco, Representante de comunidad

33 Feliza Ortiz Pacheco, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de CONAMAQ Sura (Departamento de Oruro)

34 Willy Poma Apaza, Consejo de Jóvenes Ayllus de Cochabamba (Departamento de Cochabamba)

35 Lucía Pari Coca, Representante de comunidad Charkas Qhara Qhara (Departamento de Potosí)

36 Eleuterio Mamani Avillo, Representante de comunidad Charkas Qhara Qhara (Departamento de Potosí)

37 Catalina Molina Conde, Pasiri (ex autoridad) de Jach‟a Suyu Pakajaqe Jach‟a Suyu Pakajaqe (Departamento de La Paz)

3. Que sucedió:

Circunstancias detalladas de la supuesta violación. Si un evento inicial llevó a otros, por favor descríbalos cronológicamente. En los casos de medidas generales, tales como legislación o políticas nacionales, indique su grado de desarrollo y cómo los pueblos indígenas han sido y serán afectadas por ellas.

a.) Antecedentes:

Primero: El CONAMAQ respaldó la 8tva Marcha de los Indígenas del Territorio Indígena Parque Nacional Isiboro Sécure (TIPNIS), por este apoyo orgánico fue permanentemente cuestionado por el Gobierno y sectores campesinos1 afines al mismo. El 25 de septiembre del 2011 el gobierno

1 Las organizaciones que llevaron a cabo movilizaciones y bloqueos contra la 8tva Marcha Indígena fueron: Confederación Sindical Única de Trabajadores Campesinos de Bolivia (CSUTCB),

ordena la intervención policial a los marchistas en la localidad de Chaparina (Departamento de Beni).

Segundo: Por el anterior suceso, el VII

Tercero: las organizaciones matrices indígena – originarías (CIDOB – CONAMAQ) ya no respaldaron las políticas elaboradas e implementadas por el gobierno de Evo Morales, quitando legitimidad a las propuestas de ley vinculadas con los pueblos indígenas tales como: la Ley de Aguas, Ley de Consulta Previa Libre e Informada, Ley de Minería y Metalurgia, Ley de Hidrocarburos entre otras.

Cuarto: Ante la imposibilidad de cooptar al CONAMAQ, para que sus autoridades originarias respalden plenamente las políticas de desarrollo y sean militantes a críticos del partido de gobierno, Evo Morales y sus ministros se dieron a la tarea de intervenir y entrometerse en los asuntos del gobierno originario, armando grupos de choque y asaltando con la „ayuda‟ de la policía la Casa del CONAMAQ3 (Fuente: sede-del-conamaq/)

Quinto: Se organizaron seis intentos de intervención al CONAMAQ. En el sexto intento, el 10 de diciembre de 2013 al promediar las 20:00 hrs., un grupo de personas afines al gobierno de turno y funcionarios de ministerios del Estado5, en claro estado de embriaguez y con presencia de la policía, avasallaron, de manera violenta, las oficinas del CONAMAQ. La violencia duró, aproximadamente, 5 horas dejando como resultado 5 heridos y daños de consideración en la infraestructura de las oficinas. Estas acciones no lograron su objetivo gracias a la resistencia valiente de mujeres autoridades quienes permanecieron dentro las oficinas.

Sexto: Los días 12 y 13 de diciembre del 2013 se realizó, previa convocatoria de un mes (Anexo 3), el VIII Jach‟a Tantachawi (Gran Congreso) con la participación de las 16 naciones indígenas de tierras altas. Evento donde fueron elegidas y consagradas, según normas y procedimientos propios, las nuevas autoridades nacionales del CONAMAQ, para la gestión 2014 y 2015 (Anexo 4).

La Comisión Orgánica recomendó ingresar de forma inmediata a las oficinas del CONAMAQ, encabezados por el nuevo Consejo de Gobierno, además exigió al Ministro de Gobierno el retiro de los policías que se encontraban instalados en las puertas de la sede del CONAMAQ, para desarrollar sus funciones con total normalidad y resolver las demandas de las 16 naciones indígenas. (Anexo 5)

No se pudo cumplir con el mandato de la Comisión Orgánica por la represión policial, que usando agentes químicos, dispersó la marcha pacífica de las nuevas autoridades originarias. El Ministro de Gobierno ordenó reforzar la presencia policial, con efectivos de la Unidad Táctica de Operaciones Policiales (UTOP).

Por ese motivo, el día 13 de diciembre del 2013, la dirigencia indígena instaló una vigilia en las afueras de la sede. Esta medida duró 30 días, tiempo en el que los indígenas -varones, mujeres y niños- permanecieron bajo las inclemencias del tiempo, sobreviviendo con los aportes de la ciudadanía y de defensores de derechos humanos.

Octavo: En todo momento las autoridades originarias buscaron el diálogo y acercamiento con autoridades de gobierno para levantar el cerco policial y frenar los intentos de toma de las oficinas del CONAMAQ (Anexo 6). No hubo respuestas favorables a ninguna de las solicitudes.

Noveno: De igual forma se solicitó la mediación de instituciones defensoras de derechos humanos (Anexo 7), la Conferencia Episcopal de Bolivia (Anexo 8), de la Oficina del Alto Comisionado de las Naciones Unidas (Anexo 9) y del Defensor del Pueblo (Anexo 10). Tampoco se obtuvo respuestas favorables.

b.) La toma de las oficinas del CONAMAQ.

Primero: El martes 14 de enero de 2014, en las Plazas España y Avaroa, aledañas a la sede del CONAMAQ, se apostaron dos grupos de personas vinculadas al partido político del MAS – IPSP. Ellos empezaron a lanzar arengas a favor del llamado “Proceso de Cambio” y de su líder, Evo Morales. En marcha se encaminaron hasta la vigilia del CONAMAQ.

Segundo: Alrededor de las doce del medio día, cuando las autoridades indígenas instaladas en la vigilia, realizaban el Primer Consejo de Consejos (Reunión Ampliada del Comité Ejecutivo Nacional), fueron sorprendidos por esa turba de personas, encabezadas por el minero Hilarión Mamani, que se atribuyeron, de forma ilegítima e ilegal, la representación orgánica del CONAMAQ.

Tercero: El grupo afín al partido de gobierno, avasalló violentamente la vigilia haciendo uso armas blancas (cuchillos, botellas, palos, chicotes), destrozaron las carpas, sillas, colchones, cocina, ollas y alimentos; insultaron, golpearon e hirieron, indistintamente, a las autoridades originarias, mujeres, niños y ancianos que se encontraban en la vigilia. Para causar mayor temor, incluso amenazaron con asesinar a los allí presentes.

Cuarto: La unidad de policías que “resguardaba” las oficinas del CONAMAQ, ante la violencia de la turba, se negó a prestar auxilio para cuidar la integridad física de los agredidos. De esta manera, por órdenes del Ministro de Gobierno, Carlos Romero, se cometió delito de omisión e incumplimiento de deberes. Por el contrario, dos policías)

Quinto: Varias autoridades escaparon de la violencia y amenazas de muerte y otras tuvieron que esconderse para resguardar sus vidas, entre ellas las principales autoridades del CONAMAQ como Felix Becerra (autoridad 2013), Cancio Rojas y Nilda Rojas (autoridades 2014). Ellos se refugiaron en el sótano de una casa vecina por más de 24 horas, privados de alimento, comunicación y abrigo. Estas autoridades fueron rescatadas por activistas de manera clandestina como en tiempos de dictadura (Fuente:

Sexto: Frente a la expulsión y persecución de las autoridades legítimas del CONAMAQ, la Asamblea Permanente de Derechos Humanos La Paz (APDHLP) ofreció sus ambientes para acogerlas. Gracias a ese respaldo institucional, reinstalaron el Primer Consejo de Consejos; ahí expresaron su rechazo a los hechos acaecidos, reafirmándose en la defensa de la libre determinación y autonomía de los pueblos indígenas (Anexo 11).

Octavo: Frente a los atropellos sufridos, diferentes organizaciones e instituciones nacionales e internacionales, expresaron su solidaridad y respaldo a la dirigencia legítima del CONAMAQ (Anexo 12).

c.) Represalias del Gobierno:

Primero: Por instrucción de Órgano Ejecutivo, el Directorio Legítimo del CONAMAQ ha sido privado de participar en el Directorio del Fondo de Desarrollo para Pueblos Indígenas Originarios y Comunidades Campesinas (FDPPIOyCC). Pese a las solicitudes para la acreditación, respaldadas por documentación, el Director Ejecutivo del Fondo, Marco Antonio Aramayo, hizo caso omiso, privándolos del acceso a proyectos de desarrollo que benefician a las comunidades indígenas de tierras altas (Anexo 13).

Segundo: De la misma forma la Ministra de Autonomías y Descentralización, Claudia Peña, pese a las solicitudes escritas que se hicieron para recuperar la personería jurídica del CONAMAQ, que se de alta graduación procedieron a abrir las puertas de las oficinas del CONAMAQ a los agresores, quienes estaban acompañados de fiscales y notarios (Fuente: encontraba en etapa de aprobación en el mencionado ministerio, no dio una respuesta favorable (Anexo 14). Actualmente no contamos con la mencionada documentación, encontrándonos negados en nuestro derecho de libre organización y asociación. Esto nos afecta directamente, puesto que no podemos acceder a financiamiento de ONGs ni de la cooperación internacional.

4. Perpetrador(es):

Información detallada sobre la persona (s) o institución (s) responsable por la violación y su relación, en su caso, con el gobierno interesado. Si las circunstancias lo requieren, dar una explicación de las razones para sospechar la responsabilidad de la persona (s) o institución (s) identificados.

a.) Grupos afines al partido de gobierno (MAS-IPSP): Hilarión Mamani, Gregorio Choque, Placido Suntura, Renán Paco, Jhonny Huanca, Carlos Copa, Anselmo Martínez, Juan Blanco, Elías Choque y Mauro Cuéllar.

b.) Servidores públicos de ministerios del Estado: Valentín Ticona, Faustino Auca, Idon Chivi, Víctor Medinaceli. Carlos Romero (Ministro de Gobierno), Alfredo Rada (Viceministro de coordinación con movimientos sociales y sociedad civil).

Por declaración pública de los mismos interventores, la independencia partidaria del CONAMAQ es un obstáculo para que el gobierno de Evo Morales elabore, apruebe, promulgue e implemente medidas legislativas en contra de los pueblos indígenas tales como la ley de Consulta Previa Libre e Informada, la Ley de Minería y Metalurgia, la ley de Hidrocarburos y la Ley de Aguas (Fuente: Ayllus_0_1965403503.html).

5. Medidas adoptadas por las autoridades del Estado:

Si corresponde, ¿qué medidas han sido adoptadas por las autoridades responsables para remediar la situación? ¿El asunto ha sido informado a las autoridades administrativas o judiciales del Estado en cuestión?

Ante los hechos en contra del CONAMAQ, las autoridades ejecutivas y judiciales han avalado la intervención y violencia ejercida a través de sus grupos afines y de la policía. Además de deslindar responsabilidad argumentando que el enfrentamiento era entre fracciones del CONAMAQ, por tanto un problema que debía ser resuelto de manera interna entre las partes en conflicto (Fuente:

Sin embargo, el gobierno avaló a la dirigencia apócrifa tanto en espacio públicos (la celebración del Estado Plurinacional 24 de enero) como en niveles administrativos del Estado, por ejemplo se acreditó al grupo de Hilarión Mamani ante el FDPPIOyCC (Anexo 15).

El CONAMAQ presentó una querella judicial ante el Ministerio Público (Anexo 2) contra los avasalladores, misma que no tiene resultados a la fecha. Así mismo, denunció estos hechos ante la sociedad civil boliviana y las organizaciones internacionales, recibiendo amplio respaldo y solidaridad (Anexo 12)

6. Medidas adoptadas ante los organismos internacionales:

¿Ha puesto en marcha alguna acción ante otros mecanismos internacionales o regionales de derechos humanos? Si es así, ¿en qué etapa están las acciones internacionales?

El CONAMAQ no puso ninguna acción ante mecanismos regionales e internacionales de derechos humanos porque no se cuenta con recursos económico ni apoyo jurídico para realizar estas acciones.

7. Fuente: Nombre y dirección completa del pueblo indígena, organización o individuo (s) que presenta la información. Estos datos de contacto son esenciales en caso que el Relator Especial necesite aclaración o información ulterior sobre el caso. Esta información es confidencial, a menos que la fuente autorice lo contrario.

Organización: Consejo Nacional de Ayllus y Markas del Qullasuyu – CONAMAQ. (Actualmente no se cuenta con una dirección física)

Representante: Cancio Rojas, Arkiri Apu Mallku.


Documentos del CONAMAQ, denuncias y pronunicamientos que fueron entregados al Relator de Naciones Unidas, profesor James Anaya, 26 de marzo en La Paz:

Haga clic aquí para leer documentos pdf
CONAMAQ Informe James Anaya,26.03.14

CONAMAQ,Pronunciamiento Ley Mineria Metalurgia,22.03.14[1]

<strong><em>Para escuchar lo que los líderes de CONAMAQ orgánica tienen que decir haga clic aquí para ver entrevistas</em></strong><em> </em><a href=”″><em>en video</em></a>

Police guarding MAS-CONAMAQ office (Photo © Rebecca Sommer, Earth Peoples)

Police guarding MAS-CONAMAQ office (Photo © Rebecca Sommer, Earth Peoples)

Conference on Belo Monte, organised by the Green Party of the European Parliament

Thursday, October 10th, 2013

Dear all,

please find enclosed the invitation to the conference on Belo Monte, organised by the Green Party of the European Parliament. Join the event and please forward this invitation to anyone interested. Including those who still think that hydropower is sustainable: those are the ones we need to show the reality!
best regards, always,
Paul Wolters

Zum Anklicken der Belo-Monte Website, Konferenzprogramm und Anmeldemodalitaeten bitte den Anhang oeffnen.!

Please open the annex for the link to the Belo Monte Website, the conference agenda and the registration!

Para ver el link a la página web sobre  Belo Monte, la agenda y la inscripción abrir el anexo, por favor!

Para ver o link da página web sobre  Belo Monte, a agenda e a inscrição, abrir o anexo, por favor!


The Amazon up for grabs?

A Greens/EFA conference
Thursday 14 November 2013, 15:00-18:30
European Parliament – Room A1G3
60 rue Wiertz – 1047 Brussels

Belo Monte is a controversial mega-dam complex on the “big bend” of the Xingu river, a tributary of the Amazon. Like other mega-projects, it is claimed that such large scale development will improve living conditions for local people, in line with the  Brazilian government’s  slogan “development starts with energy”.  But who benefits? And who pays the bill?

Experts say that Belo Monte will produce a mere fraction of the projected electricity, while it risks huge social and environmental impacts, breaching the rights of the local population to access fisheries and forest. Critics argue that it will entail further construction contracts across the whole region while clearing the forest for mining.

How are EU citizens implicated through investments and shares in European companies which are consortia members? What are the legal challenges and options, what are the corruption allegations, what trials have been brought to the courts, and what has happened with them? What are the alternatives to these kinds of lucrative, publically-funded, expensive, high impact, low yield prestige projects?

Find out through presentations and debate between civil society and players in the legal, political and business world from both sides of the Atlantic, hosted by the three Green MEPs who visited the site and stakeholders in July.


Friday, September 20th, 2013

A Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil (APIB), composta pela Coordenação das Organizações Indígenas da Amazônia Brasileira (COIAB), Articulação dos Povos e Organizações Indígenas do Nordeste, Minas Gerais e Espírito Santo (APOINME), Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Sul (Arpinsul), Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Sudeste (ARPINSUDESTE), Conselho dos Povos Indígenas de Mato Grosso do Sul e pela Grande Assembleia do Povo Guarani (ATY GUASU), que, por sua vez, reúnem na sua base centenas de associações e comunidades indígenas, considerando:

Que os direitos constitucionais dos povos indígenas, dos quilombolas e de outras populações tradicionais, assim como os seus territórios, encontram-se sob forte ataque por parte de interesses econômicos poderosos, que defendem o seu direito à propriedade mas não respeitam os nossos direitos coletivos à nossa terra sagrada, e ainda querem tomar para si as terras públicas e os seus recursos naturais;

Que há uma ofensiva legislativa sendo promovida pela bancada ruralista contra os direitos originários dos nossos povos, os direitos de outras populações tradicionais e os direitos de todos os brasileiros ao meio ambiente saudável, por meio de dezenas de projetos de lei e emendas à Constituição – em especial a PEC 215/00, PEC 237/13, PEC 038/99, PL 1610/96 e PLP 227/12 – que afrontam, inclusive, acordos internacionais assinados pelo Brasil, como a Convenção 169 da Organização Internacional do Trabalho (OIT), e a Declaração da Organização das Nações Unidas sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas;

Que o próprio governo federal tem mantido uma conduta omissa, em relação aos direitos dos povos, e conivente com os interesses dos ruralistas e do latifúndio, nossos inimigos históricos, que durante o ano passado aprovaram um novo Código Florestal adequado aos próprios interesses e este ano pretendem aniquilar direitos indígenas ao território. Uma conduta que se materializa em medidas como a Portaria Interministerial 419/2011, a Portaria 303/2012 da Advocacia-Geral da União, e o Decreto 7957/2013, e que se traduz, dentre outras, nas paralisações: da demarcação das terras indígenas, da criação de unidades de conservação, da titulação de quilombos e da implementação da reforma agrária.

A APIB convoca todos os povos e organizações indígenas do país assim como os demais movimentos sociais do campo e da cidade, para uma Mobilização Nacional em Defesa da Constituição Federal, nos seus 25 anos de existência, e pela Implementação dos Direitos Territoriais dos Povos Indígenas, dos Quilombolas, de outras comunidades tradicionais, dos camponeses e da Mãe Natureza, entre os dias 30 de setembro e 05 de outubro de 2013.


Fortalecer a articulação e mobilização dos povos indígenas do Brasil, com o apoio e adesão de outros movimentos e organizações sociais, visando a defesa dos direitos indígenas assegurados pela Constituição Federal, principalmente os direitos sagrados à terra, territórios e bens naturais, por um país realmente justo e democrático.


Domingo, 29 de setembro:
• Chegada das delegações das regiões e realização de atividades culturais.

Segunda-feira, 30 de outubro:
• Reunião da Coordenação da Mobilização Nacional, dos Dirigentes da APIB e dos Representantes das entidades de apoio.
• Plenária de preparação da Mobilização Nacional, com apresentação dos delegados e da Programação da Semana (Objetivos, Temas e Atividades)
• Análise e debate sobre a situação dos direitos indígenas nos distintos poderes do Estado Brasileiro: a supressão dos direitos constitucionais, principalmente o direito territorial. Contexto político nacional: modelo desenvolvimento em curso, reprimarização da economia, agronegócio, extrativismo industrial, grandes empreendimentos, flexibilização da legislação ambiental e indigenista, artimanhas jurídicas, administrativas, políticas e legislativas protagonizadas pelo Executivo e o Legislativo contra os direitos indígenas, entraves judiciais à efetivação desses direitos e atropelamento da legislação nacional e internacional (Convenção 169/OIT, Declaração da ONU sobre os Direitos dos Povos Indígenas, Outros) pelo Estado Brasileiro.

• Regimento Interno do Acampamento, Comissões: Infraestrutura, Logística e Outras Informações.

Terça-feira, 01 de outubro:
• Ato sobre os Direitos Indígenas e articulações no Congresso Nacional.
• Reunião com a Frente Parlamentar de Apoio aos povos indígenas e Frente Parlamentar de Direitos Humanos.
• Reunião com representantes da Bancada Ruralista.
• Audiência com presidentes do Senado Federal e da Câmara dos Deputados.

Quarta-feira, 02 de outubro:
• Continuação das Atividades no Congresso Nacional:
– Audiência Pública sobre os 25 anos da Constituição Federal e os direitos indígenas.
– Instalação da subcomissão de assuntos indígenas da Comissão de Legislação Participativa (CLP).

Quinta-feira, 03 de outubro:
• Articulações, Audiências e Reuniões em distintas instâncias do Poder Executivo (Presidência da República, Ministérios, Autarquias e Outras).

Sexta-feira, 04 de outubro:
• Visitas e audiências no Supremo Tribunal Federal e Conselho Nacional de Justiça.

Sábado, 05 de outubro
• Encerramento das atividades e retorno das delegações para as suas regiões.


Considerando que é de responsabilidade de todos os povos, comunidades, organizações e lideranças indígenas se mobilizarem em defesa de seus direitos, a APIB recomenda que as distintas delegações articulem apoio junto a seus parceiros e aliados para se deslocarem até Brasília. A APIB disponibilizará durante os dias da mobilização as condições de infraestrutura e alimentação.

Ao chegar à capital federal, no dia 29 ou 30 de setembro de manhã, todos deverão dirigir-se ao seguinte endereço:

Centro de Formação Vicente Cañas
Rua São Bernardo s/n
Chácara Marajoara A
Jardim Ingá – Luziana
Na altura do Posto BR Ipê
Km 9 – BR 04
Telefone: (61) 36151427

Orientamos ainda para que as lideranças indígenas e participantes da mobilização nacional que não esqueçam de trazer consigo todos os seus pertences e acessórios pessoais como: escovas de dentes, creme dental, roupas de cama (lençol, cobertor, colcha de cama), toalha, colchonete, rede, barracas, sacos de dormir, sabonete, sandálias e outros pertences que cada um achar necessário trazer.

Brasília – DF, 19 de setembro de 2013.

Articulação dos Povos Indígenas do Brasil – APIB